Memoire Online - Thomas Sankara et la condition féminine: un discours révolutionnaire?

THE STATUTE OF THE WOMAN WITH BURKINA FASO: COMPANY PRECOLONIALE WITH REVOLUTION SANKARISTE. 14

DEDICATE

We dedicate this work to our father El Hadj Issaka OUEDRAOGO, snatch with our affection Wednesday March 31, 1999.

That it is rewarded for generosity, humility, sincerity and the kindness of which it made proof throughout its life.

We also dedicate this work to our mother, Salamata SAWADOGO, with all the mothers, all the women and our friend OUEDRAOGO Roukiatou.

THANKS

This work is the fruit of devotion and sacrifices various goodwills to which we address our sincere thanks.

We present our particular and authenticates recognition with our Director of memory Mrs KRIEF Huguette which in spite of an use of time very charged followed us in a singular way. We greet his rigor and his extreme requirement in work.

We recognize all the efforts of our Director of master's paper of History, Mr Y. Georges MADIEGA, who opened his personal documentation to us. We thank it for his constant concern for work well done.

With Mr Serge Theophilus BALIMA, Head of Department of Arts and Communication and illustrates teaching within this die, we say thank you for documentation, the councils and the care of which we profited from his share.

We address the same greetings to Mrs Marie Sun BROTHER of the Department of Arts and communication and to Mrs BADINI-FOLANE Denise of the Department of History and Archéologie.

We do not forget all the teaching body of the two departments at which we owe our university formation.

We say thank you to our friend and brother KONSIMBO Pamoussa whose councils allowed us to lead to this result.

We do not forget to greet the personnel of the library of the CNRST, like Mr George ZONGO of the House of the Press, Mohammed Maïga who gave access to us the newspapers of the revolutionary period.

To our parents, to our friends and all those which of near or by far contributed to the realization of this work, we say simply : « Thank you ! ».

FOREWORD

Historian of training and transfer in formation, we want, in a modest way to take part in the work of memory which each country must engage on its own culture and its history, even most recent. The reserves, the silences observed with regard to the period of the revolution sankarist, the lack of files and journalistic documents on this historical section made more difficult our research.

Our starting ambition was to analyze the speech sankarist on the peasants and the women, groups underprivileged of the former modes. But during the its realization and research task, we realized hugeness of the task that that required. It is what led us to center our problems on the feminist speech of Thomas Sankara.

Our work concerned one multi-field field, history, literature, policy and information ; what can constitute a methodological reference for the professionals of information in situation of political analysis of speech.

We are conscious of the limits of our work. These limits are inherent in time, documentation, the average materials and to intellectuals who were ours. Non-specialist of the analysis of speech, we do not claim to have controlled all contours of them.

We hope however that our humble contribution will be used to the journalists, to the academics and for all those which are interested in the political speech. Only objectivity, sincerity and the rigor will have been used to us as weapons in our step.

To pose problems on the female condition in Africa finds its raison d'être in the current resurgence of the debates on the condition of the woman : fight against the excision, fights for the political emancipation, economic independence and the increase in the rate of instruction of the women, all in all for a positive discrimination with regard to the women, condition of an equality between the sexes. We chose to analyze from this point of view the speeches for Thomas Sankara, president of Burkina Faso of 1983 to 1987, burkinabé central character of the revolution. Few studies were devoted to its speeches. Indeed, only of the biographies^1(*) were written highlighting its political role in the history of Burkina Faso. In addition, none the analyzes relating to the revolution burkinabé approached in-depth the topic of the female condition.

Taking into account the hierarchical organization of the National Council of Revolution (CNR), supreme authority of the Democratic and Popular Revolution (RDP) with at its head only one chief, the captain Sankara, it appears legitimate to take the speeches made by this leader like ideological keystone of this revolutionary mode.

The sankarism is presented in the form of a movement of thought Marxist - Leninist, preaching a revolution proletarian, country, young and feminist. The democratic and popular Revolution is the mode founded by the National Council of the Revolution under the direction of Thomas Sankara of August 4, 1983 to October 15, 1987.

The RDP is posted like nationalist and anti-impérialiste. This political attitude is expressed clearly in the currency of the movement : « the fatherland or death, we will overcome ! ». The young captains who direct Burkina Faso give four principles : « the defense of the fatherland (territory), the defense of the interests of class, the defense of the popular capacity, the defense of proletarian internationalism^2(*) ». The goal is to give the capacity to the underprivileged social groups : farming community, proletariat, women, youth.

The RDP proposes the construction of a new social order : « The democratic character of this revolution imposes a decentralization and a devolution of the administrative capacity to us in order to bring the administration closer to the people, in order to make public thing a business which interests all one each one »^3(*), Thomas Sankara affirms. Thus a decentralized political structure is installation : the Committees of Defense of the Revolution (CDR) represent the capacity in the villages. « The weapons of the People, the capacity of the people, the richnesses of the People it will be the people which will manage them and CDR are there for that »^4(*).

The C.N.R. seeks to found a revolutionary company, which is synonymous, for its members, of a company based on the democracy, freedom and independence. In the revolutionary speeches little by little a vision manichéenne company forges burkinabé : on a side the enemies of the revolution are, middle-class men, feudal retrograde who oppress the people, other side the forces connoted positively made up of the working class, lower middle class, farming community and « Lumpenproletariat »^5(*). The RDP places as regards people resolutely and seeks to create a revolutionary identity. The revolutionist must be a partisan of the radical change in all the fields. Echo of the idealized image of the Jacobin of 1793 in France, the revolutionist sankarist wants to be a man right and just. This character falls under a representation of the company Marxist, austere and modest whose virtue even is in this austerity. He must be close to the masses oppressed and exploited and puts itself at their service since he is presented in the form of a their defender. The revolutionary ideology even invites to develop a hatred for the injustice, oppression, the exploitation and to have the will to create a new order, a free company and without class^6(*). Thomas Sankara precise : « the image of the revolutionist whom the C.N.R. intends to print in the conscience of all, it is that of the militant who forms a unit with the masses, which has faith in them and which respects them »^7(*). Its only concern is to work, night and day, with the triumph of dialectic materialism and the Marxism.

The Marxism-Leninism is defined as an ideology which fights all the forms of injustices and exploitation : feudality, imperialism, capitalism. It is based on the materialism historical and dialectical and attacks the exploitation of the man by the man. He aims at the introduction of a new classless society and without State. The reign of Communism is the result of the proletarian fight, stage which should be carried out only with the union of all the proletarians of the whole world. The Leninist ideology Marxist was born at the XIXe century with the ideas of the German philosopher Karl Marx and his friend Friedrich Engels. Two works melt the historical materialism : The Holy Family (1845), the German Ideology (1845-1846) and the famous Proclamation of the Communist Party (London 1848) which exposes the essential principles of the design marxienne of the history and the class struggle. Their ideas are enriched by Lénine at the beginning of the XXe century. Revolutionists like Mao Zedong in popular China, Fidel Castro in Cuba, Thomas Sankara in Burkina Faso will take as a starting point these ideas giving rise to the Maoism, to the Castroism and the sankarism.

Thomas Sankara guided the destiny of Burkina Faso of 1983 to 1987. Key character in Africa, it « appears before just like a revolutionist mû by a deep moral imagination in front of the innumerable injustices generated by the imperialism »^8(*). According to Ludo Martens, Sankara, particularly sensitive to the misery of the African people, is presented in the form of a visionary, a heir to all the revolutions : American, French and Soviet. It leaves the image of a political leader « who, always with sincerity, often with frankness, sometimes by taking his desires for realities, had believed that the direct democracy was possible »^9(*). Ludo Martens, in the work which it devotes to the revolution burkinabé, clarifies this political character admired by disinherited : « By its youth, its simplicity, its revolutionary ardor, Sankara had conquered the heart of the burkinabé people »^10(*). All its acts of government translate a dynamic and combative voluntarism : « Soldier, it resembled, by passion and the conviction that it put in its conversations, with the student gauchist of May 68. Even its adversaries recognized its intelligence, the promptness of its spirit, its force of conviction »^11(*). Sankara is the first president, in the history of its country, to have posted a savage will to protect and defend the interests of the women. Concrete measures were taken by him of their favor, against the excision, the prostitution, and for the vital wages.

Sankara is presented in the form of a lawyer defender of the women considered as « proletarians » of the RDP. According to him, the women set up a social group fragile, which marginalized, exploited by the administration, feudality and the men in general. They are victims of a social and economic injustice. They do not profit from the assets of science and economic progress. They suffer as well from a material misery as intellectual (more than 90% of illiterates). The analyzes of Sankara in this field i.e. in the identification of the underprivileged condition of the woman burkinabé always appear of topicality, since the UNICEF in 1994 in a report/ratio on the situation of the women and the children in Burkina Faso draws up of it an assessment still alarming. « Used as object, means of tying alliances or like tool of cohesion of social fabric, the woman finds her finality in the marriage and procreation. Eternal foreign as well in the family of origin, where it will not remain, as in the family of the husband whom it can leave in the event of dissension, it is isolated division of the goods of production such as the ground and any succession to the cheffery (traditional capacity) »^12(*). The same institution recognizes that this situation constitutes a limit with the emancipation of the women : « Regarded as eternal minor, sometimes dominated by the father, sometimes by the husband, the woman is always relegated to the second rank. The social and economic status of the woman remains a handicap for the promotion of the women »^13(*). Can one speak about Sankara like feminist ideologist ?. If one defines feminism as « doctrines, attitude favorable to the defense of the interests of the women and their rights »^14(*) , Sankara appears well to be a key character in the feminist fights of Burkina Faso. Our research is to a certain extent justified on the plan of the contents by the many interventions of Sankara in this field, as well in its speeches as in the project of company formulated and the operational startup of measurements in favor of the women.

To support an analysis of the speeches of Sankara proceeds of the appreciation that this leader did itself of the verb with respect to the action. « All that leaves the imagination of the man is realizable by the man »^15(*). To conceptualize then to pronounce words, to make them live constitute a stage necessary of the revolutionary action. Banégas, in popular Insubordinations and revolution in Burkina Faso, clarifies well this specific feature of Sankarisme : « The speech determines the action, the idea generates reality »^16(*). Our corpus includes/understands the whole of the speeches of bearing Sankara on the female condition. Although it often improvised its speeches, of the efforts were made to gather them in only one collection. Thomas Sankara, « To dare to invent the future ». The word of SANKARA (1983-1987) presented by David Gakunzi, Pafthinder, in 1991, contains 29 speeches and interviews of Sankara. In this unit, five speeches approach the topic of the female condition :

The unit makes 87 pages of written texts. But all the speeches do not tackle the problem of the woman from beginning to end. Except for the last devoted exclusively to the women, the others do it partially. Our analysis consists in highlighting the feminist thought of Thomas Sankara in all his dimension. Exit of a revolutionary vision of the company, which are specificities ? The defense of certain values generally implies to engage a polemic. This shutter estil- represented in the speech of Sankara ? To analyze and comment on a political speech consist in going beyond the simple reproduction, of the initial messages of other terms. Our study will try to determine them « process of selection and transformation of the significances or the social symbolic systems which are carried out indeed during the activity of stating »^17(*). This will enable us, in particular, to approach the techniques of propaganda used by president Sankara. This level, the lexical inheritance of Sankara comes to support the demonstration. We will detect there the vision of the woman whom it builds, the morals which it proposes, and its setting in scene of the policy.

We will take account however of a perceptible evolution in the expression of the feminist theses of Sankara. Indeed, during the first moments of the revolution, the matter is very volunteer supported by an absolute determination to fight all that is opposed to the revolutionary dash. But since 1985, the argumentation is softened, after Sankara noted the resistances met in the application of the general and revolutionary principles.

Our work arises as an analysis in three shutters. It appeared necessary to us to establish the general conditions of production of the speeches of Sankara on the women. How to appreciate a political projection, if the real conditions of the woman in the company are not emphasized burkinabé ?. From this report in a second shutter, we sought to work on the argumentation of Sankara, holding account of what was with the sources of the thought of this leader. This analysis within the framework of a work of control, could only be effleurée, but it is justified insofar as the thought of Sankara is not single, it does not appear sudden in the history of the ideas, without any connection with other feminist thoughts. In a third shutter, we wanted to stress the characteristic propagandist of the speech sankarist and his methods polemical.

THE STATUTE OF THE WOMAN WITH BURKINA FASO

COMPANY PRECOLONIALE WITH REVOLUTION SANKARISTE.

CHAPTER I.

Like the whole of the African women, the voltaic woman knows living conditions which are dependant on the evolution histories.

1.1 BURKINABÉ WOMAN AND COMPANY PRÉCOLONIALE

The latter was a domestic production devoted to cereals in the zones of savanna and to the tubers in the wetter areas. The woman was presented only in the form of a one element of the family :she did not have an existence apart from this one. The ground generally exploited by the women and the young people concerned the inheritance of the family, in the broad sense of the term. The family had a statutory and economic value. Manufacturing unit, it reached a remarkable stage of autonomy and self-subsistence. This is why the family was to produce itself the agents of production. This need explained polygamy. It was justified by the role with double dimension which the woman was to play : agent of production itself and agent of reproduction of labor^.

The woman précoloniale, like all the members of the company, owed a strict respect with the rules. The religion lived like a need for order, peace and of safety recommended the respect of the law of the ancestors and the social hierarchy. The subjects, the juniors, the children and the women were scrupulously to subject themselves and obey, respectively, with the king, elder, the parents and the husbands. In this system arranged hierarchically, the woman did not have any political role. Aristote did not abound it in the same direction when it analyzed the operation of the family ? «This association (the family) implies a natural hierarchy : Nature trained the man, who has more intelligence to order, the woman, the child, the slave to obey ». The woman occupied a marginal place in Moogo. She did not enjoy any right. Given in marriage by her parents, it became an element of the inheritance of her husband. She intervened nevertheless in the rites in religious matter. Indeed, the first woman (Pug-keema) kept in her box the family fetishes of the husband^18(*).

In the company moaaga, the old women could deliver their opinions. The first woman of the chief (Pug-keema) played the part of discrete adviser. She was member of the jury of the legal system. It is with it that returned the presidency of the royal harem thanks to its row of adviser in the usual and religious businesses. The habit held a fundamental place with the elder girl of king (Napoko). She ensured it inter - reign died of her father^19(*).

In fact, the situation of the woman moaaga was not that of a slave. The wife represented a common pillar of all the family and all the members owed him respect. However, it was in return to conform to virtues in particular the absolute obedience, tender and fidelity^20(*). This relative autonomy was not seen by the visitor of the country moaaga. Thus the Binger explorer drew, in 1887, of what prince Boukary Koutou gave him three girls in marriage in place of gift of welcome, the idea that the woman was regarded as an object of transaction, consumer goods. Once between the hands of the men of Binger, these poor women gave up their freedom and showed an exemplary docility. The explorer interpreted their attitude thus : « Decently vêtues and nourished relatively well, they did not ask any more. They understood very well that our men would not treat them, like, that took place by here, like beasts of burden, the rough ones or animals of production »^21(*).

The woman contributed enormously to the economy of the household by the culture of the collective field, the work of her personal small holding, the tasks domestic (household, spinning of cotton) and the trade of soumbala (traditional flavor), of the shea butter, cereals and the artisanal products^22(*) (pottery, basket making).

All in all, the woman moaaga knew a condition of very marked inferiority. Its only luxury, tolerated by her husband, was limited to carry rings or bracelets of which it appears the legs and the arms. She owed a scrupulous respect with any man. « The woman greets and does not speak with anyone without prosterner and to be held the cheeks with the palms with the outwards turned hands, the elbows touching ground »^23(*).

However some women were worthy to control before the colonial period in certain traditional companies, the such princess Guimbé Ouattara who was a remarkable woman, Née about 1836 in Sore-Dioulasso, it had a great influence on the local level. Refusing to yield with the dictatorship of her husband, in spite of an early marriage at fifteen years^24(*), it undergoes corporal punishments of which it preserved the marks quite visible with the face and close to the nose. It held slaves and men-at-arms which it lent in warlike forwardings, which got substantial incomes to him^25(*). Guimbé Ouattara also illustrated like protective explorers, such as Binger, Crozat and Monteil. Grateful, the colonial administration thought of entrusting to him the direction of certain cantons of Sore-Dioulasso. However, his/her cousin Dafogo Ouattara opposed it under the pretext that « a woman, according to him, could not order in their country ». It is to say the limit given to the political power of the women in the company précoloniale.

1.2. BURKINABÉ WOMAN AND COLONIAL COMPANY.

The law of 1921, in French Western Africa (A.O.F), invited to take account of the personal statute of the woman^26(*). In May 1931, the States General were held of feminism with the colonial exposure of Vincennes in France^27(*). The reflections related to the legal, moral and economic situation of the woman to the colonies. The report was that the female condition presented terrible aspects : too early marriages, hard work imposed on the mother until the last days of her pregnancy, chronic malnutrition. The existence of the woman was reduced to a made life « material misery »^28(*). The brought together women with Vincennes, all Frenchwomen of the colonies, showed not only the Africans, but also the colonial power to be responsible for the suffering of the indigenous women. The bearing and the drudgery were their daily newspaper. « One sees some, their baby in the back, employees with the heavy work of road »^29(*), participating testified. The colonizing ones expressed the wish to name inspectors of work to protect female work effectively. In the colonies, although the rate of schooling of the girls was definitely lower than that of the boys, education appeared at the time like a remedy for the lower condition of the woman. The States General of feminism expressed the wish to develop the teaching of the young girls under the same conditions as that of the boys. This female teaching was to be to spare initially, professional then.

In fact the situation of the African woman under colonization was a concentrate of pains and sorrow. In addition to one tender imposed by the traditions was not it to fold under the yoke of forced work, of the poll-tax and the abuses all kinds ?. Colonization, not opening any access to the schooling of the girls^30(*), did not upset its traditional statute.

The conference of Brazzaville in 1944, sign heralding the decolonization introduced the idea to make evolve/move the statute of the people in the French colonies of Africa. That of the woman was to be modified by the introduction of the principle of freedom of the choice of the spouse and the assent preliminary to the marriage. All was going to be implemented to make progress the marriage monogamic, by a burning combat against polygamy. The arbitrary divorce was severely to be sanctioned^31(*). These measurements aiming at the evolution of the condition of the woman did not know any application. The only asset in favor of the women during the colonial period remains the measurements taken by the colonial authorities for the free assent of the two partners to the marriage (Mandel decree). Forts of this decree, the missionaries thus fought it « forced marriage » of the girls^32(*). The female condition will be the subject of a critical reflection only with Independences.

1.3. BURKINABÉ WOMAN AND COLONIAL COMPANY POST-

Years 1960 mark the accession of the African countries to independence. The problems of paid work and equalize it participation of the woman in the public life are posed. The women assert their rights confiscated by the men. It is the time of the engagement of the women in feminist associations, the political parties and in the trade unions.

In Upper Volta, since 1958, a woman is named « Minister for the Social Affairs, the Habitat and work in the council of government of Upper Volta »^33(*). This woman is Célestinne Ouézzin-Coulibaly. Its nomination takes place one month after the death of her husband. What made say to some which it is about a nomination of consolation. Then on January 3, 1966 teaching with the normal Course of the girls, Jacqueline Ki-Zerbo, wife of Joseph Ki-Zerbo, takes an active part in the trade-union demonstration which caused the fall of the mode of Maurice Yaméogo.

From this point of view, September 27, 1967, Foamed Kargougou, then Directeur of rural education, pronounces a conference on the emancipation of the woman. It is delighted owing to the fact that many studies relate to the female condition. « It is necessary to be pleased and be delighted by this justice returned to the African woman, by the official rehabilitation of its dignity, as well as the value of its human person, by the explicit recognition of its undeniable existence from now on, and by way in fact, by the role eminent and how much beneficial which she can and must play for the good individual and collective being, for the progressive and harmonious evolution of the very whole community to which she belongs »^34(*). According to Kargougou Foamed, the man and the woman has the same intellectual abilities. Upper Volta must, parallel to the formation of its men, émanciper by a judicious education his/her girls and his wives for her economic development. But these speeches remained without effect. The real participation of the women in the political life of the city remains very limited.

1976 should be waited until, at the time of the proclamation of « the international decade of the woman » (1975-1985) to attend the nomination of Sigué Fatoumatou as Secretary of State to the social affairs. In 1978, it becomes Ministre for the social Affairs and the female condition. The Department of the social affairs and the female condition is entrusted in the same way to a woman under the Military Committee for the Rectification and the National Progress (CMRPN) of president Saye Zerbo (1980-1982). President Jean-baptiste Ouédraogo (1982-1983) widens the sphere of activity of the women in policy while entrusting, the ministry for justice, Minister of Justice, with a woman. It is the first time in the history of the country which two women are named in a government^35(*). In spite of the dynamism of the feminist movements and the participation of some women in the political decision-making, the woman remains, in Upper Volta. in a statute of inferiority.

At this point in time occurs the democratic and popular Revolution (RDP) with an ambitious program in favor of the women.

CHAPTER II

REVOLUTION SANKARISTE AND STATUTE OF THE WOMAN

During an interview with Ouagadougou in May 1984, president Sankara exposes carefully the statute of the woman burkinabé. He stresses that the women live in a kind of prison universe. In Burkina Faso the women account for 51,1% of the total population and, however, they occupy a marginal place in the sectors educational, political and socio-economic.

2.1 THE EDUCATION OF THE WOMAN

Whatever the type of traditional or modern orientation, the girl receives an education different from that of his/her brother. The teaching exempted with the girl consists to work it, to condition it to play its domestic and maternal part. She is educated in the direction of the tender. As of the first ages of its life, its plays are directed towards the housework and the training of maternity^36(*). The stereotypes as regards education are numerous^37(*). The textbooks, through the texts and the illustrations, convey prejudices at the place of the girls. They contribute to perpetuate various forms of discrimination based on the sex. These documents are vectors of transmission of the standards, values and of an ideology sexists. That influences, with certainty, the development of the attitudes and the behaviors. The representations of the girls remain negative. They are perceived like passive people, showing an affectivity excessive, obeying, are devoted, quiet, awkward, weak, dependant, sometimes frivolous : all things which contribute to feed the myth of « woman object ».

In French the single Book of the African schoolboy (middle price, second year), of use in Burkina Faso in the years 1980, these stereotypes prejudicial with the image of the girls abound. On page 14, one reads there : « Yassi, whose name means woman, was young person of the girls of Drébedjé and three seasons less old than Kossi. Soft it was and pretty, and pleasant. It took its time to speak, was never carried, never pronounced a word higher than the other » In the lesson of reading « preparation of the meal »^38(*), small Maïmouna is represented like mother and housewife. She makes the crockery, goes to the market for the purchase of provisions and makes the kitchen. She must grant invaluable care to her headstock. She is occupied each day « with its occupations as a small conscientious housewife ». in spite of its age, Maïmouna has much love clean and intends to succeed in all « its naive companies ».

Contrary to these flexible and subjected girls, the same handbook introduces the Julien young person like the prototype of the rebel !^39(*). He refuses to ensure the guard of the saw. « Instead of attentively supervising the action of all the mechanism, Julien read ». The prototype of the young virile male becomes in these works the expression of bravery and courage^40(*). Thus a young boxer receives the most beautiful medal, that vermilion of the town of Paris. Such images contained in the textbooks contribute to reinforce in the young people of the two sexes, the commonly allowed idea of the superiority of the man (« stronger sex ») on the woman (« weaker sex »).

Supporting a traditional image of the woman, the modern education system knows in fact a weak participation of the woman. Disparities exist between the boys and the girls. In 1983, the rate of schooling in Burkina Faso is 20%. In the primary education the girls account for 37% of provided education for manpower. This figure is of

34,5% with the secondary and 22,9% with the superior. With the advent of the revolution, basic education takes importance. With the level of the pre-school one, one attends the flowering of popular nurseries since 1985. These establishments intended for the framing of the early childhood aim at generalizing pre-school education, with responsabiliser the families with better playing their part in the discoveries of the young child and discharging the mothers from the guard of the children^41(*). Such structures of education were born in China Maoist. On the level of primary education teaching, the report is alarming. The rate of schooling of the girls is definitely lower than that of the boys. 1985 to 1987, the number of girls registered for 100 registered boys is 59 with the primary education , 51 with the secondary and 29 with the superior^42(*).

Illiteracy touches 92,5% of the population including 98% of the women^43(*). The elimination of illiteracy which took importance with the revolution has also disparities between the men and the women. In 1985, the rate of elimination of illiteracy is 14,48% including 19,35% for the men and 1,72%^44(*) for the women. A certain number of constraints justify this high rate of the illiteracy of the female population^45(*) which is characterized by the difficult access and the reduced duration of stay of the girls with the school. The family unit prefers to give his/her daughters in marriage precociously. The instruction, in the mentality of the parents, is incompatible with the female qualities and values. This ignorance of the importance of the education of the girls makes that the provided education for girl is occupied full-time by painful domestic tasks^46(*). Not being able to reconcile the life of pupil and the tasks domestic, it ends up being excluded from the education system.

In the rural community, the religious chiefs oppose female education. They fear that the woman is informed than the husband-to-be. The relations between girls and boys and those between girls and teachers are in discredit of the first. This fact the Master grants little interest to the girls. With that are added the cultural barriers between the men and the women who give rise to the prejudice according to which the girl has, by nature, of the capacities less than the boy to learn. This intellectual misery of the women the constrained one to hold a secondary role, when it is a question of making a decision which interests the life of the family or the community.

2. 2 THE WOMAN IN THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC SECTOR

The socio-economic situation of the woman burkinabé is particularly difficult. The family structure, the religions and the habits are sources of the misery of the women.

Burkina Faso knows various types of families : nuclear power, extended or surrounded by satellites. But in all these family methods, the patriarch is only and the single Master. Reports/ratios found the primacy of the group on the individual, of elder on the juniors, but especially of the man on the woman. The latter assumes the role of production and reproduction, which reduces it to a lower statute in the company^47(*). As of the early childhood, the young girl is prepared to play this part. She undergoes social pressures which violate the satisfaction of its essential needs and its rights. As of the age of 6 - 7 years, it carries out the tasks of the domestic assistant whom it incarnates : spare, cleaning, guard baby^48(*). Between 12 and 18 years, it is the subject early of gift in forced marriage. « Very often, the recognition caused by hospitality or the existence of an old debt is enough so that a girl is promised^49(*) ». In 1985, more half of the women are married before twenty years. The girls are excluded from the property of the ground and the division of the heritage of the goods of the late parents. The woman must thus conform to the wish of the company by acquiring qualities such as the tender, obedience and fidelity. In other words, it must passively accept the domination and the exploitation of the man.

This attitude gives a direction to the marriage, « major expression of the social relations »^50(*), which constitutes a market where the woman represents the goods. What explains the existence of polygamy, an institution which makes it possible elder to acquire important incomes by the sale of the girls (the dowry or the price of the woman).

In addition, by her work, the woman plays an economic part determining in the company. The women within the division of the labor, carry out until the three quarters of the agricultural work. The man builds the house, but « it is the woman who makes the hearth »^51(*) affirm Moose. The analysis of the socio-economic conditions of the woman birifor and bwa by Claudette Savonnet- Guyot illustrates this report well. She deals with the housework : cook, water, wood. With the sexual division of the agricultural work, the sowing, the harvests, the hoeings and the transport of harvests concern the women. These typically female said activities are not remunerated. Slave of the man, the rural woman carries out a miserable life. « The man behaves with the fields like a foreman and it looks at making its worker »^52(*), note Thomas Sankara. Years 1983-1984 are remembered in Burkina Faso by drynesses répétées.Les men, in the campaigns, to fight against the famine, often have recourse to the emigration. They thus give up their wives, constraints to fight to nourish the children.

In such a historical and sociological situation unfavourable with the woman, Thomas Sankara who reaches the capacity in August 1983 seeks to transform the company burkinabé, with an aim of releasing the women and of recognizing rights to them and not only duties.

2. 3 THE POLITICAL ROLE OF THE WOMAN

With the advent of the RDP, only some women assume raised responsibilities, in particular in the sectors of health, the social affairs and teaching. However it should be noted that these fields are generally feminized whereas the sectors of the economic financial capacity, or of defense are defended to them. The political role of the women seems practically null. It misses a framework in which the women can profit from a political formation. Conscious of the numerical importance of the women and the young people, Sankara their fact call to consolidate the revolutionary movement^53(*). Concerned of the Women's Liberation, it works with the creation of the UFB (Union of the Women of Burkina) and the DMOF (Direction of the Mobilization and the Organization of the Women). These revolutionary structures will contribute to the political awakening of the women. The authorities of the RDP are shown very voluntarist. The participation of the woman in the revolutionary process in particular and the process of development economic in general is a Master word in the plans and programs of development. The effective division of the capacity with the women becomes a reality. It is the time of the advent in quantity and quality of the women at stations of political responsibility^54(*). All the ministries are opened to the women : Budget, Finances, Tourism, Culture, family Rise^55(*). In 1987, the participation in the political life and the decision-making power in Burkina Faso is significant. ^56(*) :

Burkina Faso appears as a country where the political power is feminized. « The promises made in the political speech of orientation of president Sankara were held »^57(*).

As of April 1984, three women take in hand territorial commands putting an end to the myth of the ordering man^58(*). Belemsaga Denise becomes prefect of Sore-Dioulasso and Bila Odette that of Ouagadougou, Ouédraogo Joséphine is seen entrusting the post of Secretary-general of the Town hall of Ouagadougou. The process continues and, in August 1984, three women make their entry with the government^59(*) : Adele Ouédraogo with the Budget, Rita Sawadogo with the sport and of the leisures and Joséphine Ouédraogo with family rise and national solidarity. The two first occupy of the stations which are out of the field « privileged » of feminization of the capacity. In 1986, five women reach the governmental decisional authorities, accounting for 20% of the team (5/25 members)^60(*).

« dephallocratisation » of the administration becomes a tangible reality. Four women are High-Commissioners : Baited Traoré (Passoré), Eve Sanou (Sanguié), Béatrice Damiba (Bazèga) and German Pitroipa (Kouritenga). Thomas Sankara imposes women in the army. « One saw a presidential escort composed exclusively of women, which is not without pointing out the female guards (them «amazones ») of the kingdom of Abomey »^61(*). The men and the women are compelled with the Popular National Service (SERNAPO) which wants to be a military and civic formation. The authorities of CNR are convinced of the need for the Women's Liberation, and Alice Tiendrébéogo, Secretary of State to the Social action with the ministry for Health in the Popular Front, supports that « what is important also, it is the fact that our leaders are sincere, i.e. that they really believe in the emancipation of the woman. Since August 4, 1983, there were enormously actions which were launched in favor of the women burkinabé »^62(*). Despite everything, the change of mentalities intervenes only in a very modest way. The women take part in work of common interests, but remain dumb at the general Assemblies and go away with the take care-debates. Those which militate are criticized and of the revolutionists even prefer to keep their wives at the house^63(*).

However, by the means of the female organizations, the women continue their walk towards the emancipation. In March 1985, after a deep reflection, the women subject to the government recommendations and resolutions. This document is presented in the form of a summary of the principal concerns of the women on the plans legal, educational and socio-economic. It is the first time that they try to work out an action to be taken to support a true emancipation. They included/understood « that a slave is not released, it is released »^64(*) and themselves the chains of their condition are invested to break.

All in all, the history and sociology reveal that the woman is always reduced to her biological role of wife and mother. Thomas Sankara reaches the capacity and commits himself being the irreducible lawyer of the women.

« Our revolution interests all oppressed, all those which are exploited in the current company. It interests consequently the woman, because the base of its domination by the man is in the system of organization of the political and economic life of the company. The revolution by changing the social order which oppresses the woman, creates the conditions for its true emancipation^65(*) ».

SPEECHES OF SANKARA

CHAPTER I :

WITH THE SOURCES OF THE FEMINIST SPEECH OF SANKARA

The feminist speech of Sankara does not appear in the evolution of the African political thought ex nihilo. The burkinabé leader is the heir to theorists who preceded it in the way by the female emancipation « opened with all the winds of the will of the people and their revolutions, also informing us certain terrible failures which led to tragedies failures with the humans right, we want to preserve each revolution only the core of purity »^66(*).

The references are as much drawn from the Russian Revolution of 1917 than of the French revolution. To find the sources of the thought sankarist is a very full research, since it is possible to identify at the same time political traditions in which implicit Sankara of manner and the precise texts fits which the leader acknowledges to take as a starting point on the ideological level.

1.1 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

That the French revolution was a point of reference for the Revolutionists of XIXe and XXe century is undeniable.

The work, the Chains of the slavery of Marat, incentive the people with a toughening of the revolution, it did not inspire more one ? In the field of the feminist claims, Condorcet and Olympe de Gouges remain emblematic figures which marked the revolutionary spirits.

For Condorcet, the women represent half of humanity. No political progress, no regeneration of the company is possible without them. It attacks the old order to transform the company radically. Conscious that the law can transform mentalities, Condorcet is invested since 1789 for the installation of a suitable legislative structure. Such measurements were to return justice to the women. It claims the equal rights between the sexes. « Is not this step in quality to be sensitive capable of reason, having ideas morals which the men have of the rights ? »^67(*).

Exclusion, according to him, is obscurantist. The argumentation based on reasons of a physiological nature is ridiculed. Condorcet specifies that the woman does not have a behavior or of capacity which would distinguish it from the whole of humanity. It affirms that one benefitted from anatomical and physiological arguments to mask the catch of being able of the men on the women. The limits which one can observe on the intellectual level are not ascribable with their intelligence, with their mode of reasoning but well with educational, social and cultural data.

The instruction is the key word of Condorcet. In Memories on the state education (790), it poses like principle : « the defect of instruction of the women introduces into the families a contrary inequality with their happiness »^68(*). The instruction is thus the access road to the future equality.

Olympe de Gouges, since 1791, borrows the same way as Condorcet. It asserts the political equality for the women in the name of nature, therefore principles of the revolution^69(*).

Olympe de Gouges works out in « Declaration of the women's rights and of the citizen » which is articulated like the Declaration of the rights of man^70(*). It fights for the access of the women to the management of the public thing beside the man. Its Declaration is an instrument to achieve this goal : « I offer an invincible means to raise the heart of the women, it is to join them to all the exercises of the man, if the man is obstinated to find this means impracticable, that it shares his fortune with the woman, not with her whim, but by the wisdom of the laws. The prejudice falls, manners are purified »^71(*)

This revolutionist builds his declaration in sixteen articles which propose the undeniable role of the woman in the management of the city. The woman must profit, like the man, of the protection of the law. Article I relates to the equality between the sexes : « The woman is born free and remains equal to the man in rights «^72(*). Article IV requires a reform of the laws to return justice to the women : « Freedom and justice consist in thus returning all that belongs to others, the exercise of the natural rights of the woman has terminals only perpetual tyranny that the man opposes to him : These terminals must be reformed by the reason and natural laws. ». Only the virtues and the talents of the citizen or the citizen must explain his access to the places and public employment. Article XI breaks with the old order. It approaches the freedom of expression of the thoughts and the opinions and proclaims the women's right to make known that the child is also it his. « The free communication of the thoughts and the opinions is one of the most invaluable rights of the woman, since this freedom ensures the legitimacy of the fathers towards the children. Any citizen can thus say freely, I am mother of a child who belongs to you, without a barbarian prejudice forcing to dissimulate the truth, «. Olympe de Gouges asserts the participation of all the components of the company in the development of the constitution. It concludes its declaration in these terms : «The constitution is null, if the majority of the individuals who make the nation, did not cooperate with the drafting. »

Instruction, political emancipation, will to register the woman in the revolutionary process which starter is as many major topics than one find in the thought of Sankara and its political program.

1.2 THE MARXISM- LENINISM

However our step would be more convincing, if the analysis could seek sources on the side of the biography of Sankara or side of the History. Indeed Sankara is explicitly located itself in a political thought Leninist Marxist. In 1972, it adheres to the Gathering communist officers (ROCK). It reads Marx, Lénine and Mao, authors who preach the seizure of power by the oppressed classes.

Sankara openly recognizes the membership of its feminist vision to the Marxism-Leninism. It notes on this subject « we must with dialectic materialism have undoubtedly projected on the problems of the female condition the strongest light, that which enables us to determine the problem of the exploitation of the woman inside a generalized operating system »^73(*). Sankara is inspired explicitly by the origin of the family, the private property and the State (1884) of Engels. It indicates that « Engels made the state of development of the techniques but also of the historical control of the woman who was born with the appearance of the private property, with the favor of the passage of a mode of production with another, of an organization to another »^74(*). Indeed, conscious that the woman occupies a vital place in the company, Marx and Engels register the Women's Liberation like a condition essential to happiness in the city. According to them, the woman is in a lower situation starting from the advent of the patriarchal family which imposed the oppression of the woman. Indeed, the paternal right replaced that maternal thus confirming the effective supremacy of the man at the house^75(*). This oppression is comparable with that of the classes with the emergence of the State.

In the Origin of the family, private property and of the State (Moscow, Progress, 1976), precise Engels: « With the patriarchal family as apparatus of oppression of the classes which are dominated and exploited on the scale of the total company. The family and the State are the framework of processes which make it possible the social organization to remain in spite of the fights and the oppositions which tear it and which result on the one hand, of the economic inequality between the classes of producers »^76(*). From this comparison, it comes out that the source of any inequality is and remains the private property. Engels makes a parallel narrow between the dominated women and classes. Necessarily the release of the ones and others passes by the abolition of the private property. Engels supports like « the oppression of the women and the dominated classes has like base the private property born from the division of the labor in the social production. Their fate is thus dependant, the Women's Liberation and from the dominated classes pass by the abolition of the economic structures founded on the private property »^77(*). In addition, the participation of the woman in the production is a condition necessary to its emancipation. This fact it is necessary that it is released significantly from the house work perceived like a negligible supplement with the production work of the man^78(*). The woman as a worker is a citizen equal to the man. The emancipation has a bond with the female participation in the social production. Consequently, the housework, until carried out there by the woman, must be released from the education and the care of the children, only way to enable him to carry out a free sexual life. All these measurements call into question the preponderance of the man and the indissociability of the marriage. The result would be the free love, one « higher form of monogamy »^79(*).

Thus the Marxism-Leninism tries to define the free union and the sexual intercourse in socialist mode.^80(*) New relationship between the man and the woman must thus contribute to the suppression of the prostitution.

Marx and Engels thus offer to Sankara a framework of theoretical analysis allowing to sit his own study of the African company.

1.3 COLLABORATORS OF SANKARA

For the well identified sources, it- would be necessary can be to recognize the influence of certain collaborators of Sankara on the thought of the leader. Intellectuals, intellectual guides of the revolution burkinabé, lent certainly to Sankara their ideas for the development of its political program. Among them, Babou Paulin Bamouni, ideologist of the mode, General manager of the newspaper industry of Burkina are the author of a work entitled Burkina Faso, Processus of the revolution, « the first political interpretation and Marxist of the events which preceded by far or of close the great upheaval of August 4, 1983 ». In Bamouni, can join Valère D. Somé, one of the closest companions of Thomas Sankara, principal leader of the Union of the Communist Fights/Reconstruite (U.L.C./R) former member of the political office of the National Council of the Revolution. This last is the author of Thomas Sankara, the assassinated Hope. In the portrait which it draws up of the revolutionist, Valère Somé privileges the image of Sankara, defender and spokesman of oppressed. It is to say the narrow symbiosis of the analyzes and the ideas existing between the collaborator close relations of Sankara and that which governed the destiny of the women of Burkina.

Sankara it learned a lesson from the acknowledgment of failure stated by Mirabeau in full revolutionary upheaval : « As long as the women do not interfere themselves, it there not of true revolution » ?

Thus in its contents, the speech sankarist on the female condition draws its sources from the last revolutions and the fundamental texts which melt the Marxism-Leninism. However Sankara prints its own mark in its theoretical analyzes. The specific conditions of the African woman are not those of the woman of the XVIIIe century in France or XIXe Russian. The adaptation of a theoretical framework to different historical realities is well the work of Sankara.

CHAPTER II

SPEECH AND MEDIA ECHO

Convinced that « nobody is more deeply punished than the man owing to the fact that the woman is maintained in slavery »^81(*) ? Thomas Sankara « the emancipation of the woman like a precondition to the development of Africa conceives ! »^82(*). The speech sankarist has a determining function on the political level, it has an obvious teaching role and especially seeks to convince the burkinabé people of the need for releasing the woman.

2.1. HISTORICAL CONTEXT AND FEMINIST SPEECH OF WILL SANKARA

The feminist speech of the burkinabé leader appears on precise dates , to some extent, institutionalized. The ritualisation more surely makes it possible to fix the attention on a major problem, and that of the condition of the women in is for the new revolutionary capacity. March 8, dates from the celebration of the international day of the woman, constitutes an important opportunity. Thomas Sankara benefits from this day to launch a great operation of mobilization of the voltaic women (Burkinabé) around the ideals of the Revolution of August^83(*). One of the speeches most built on the sales level of Sankara undoubtedly remains, that which it does on March 8, 1987 in Ouagadougou, as the Gakunzi analysis^84(*).

Another occasion of institutional nature is the commemoration of the date of August 4 which marks the advent of the revolution. It is one moment privileged to pledge and to determine the challenges to take up. Indeed, at the time of August 4, 1985, the women take part massively in the large popular parade. « The new popular army grants a real place to the woman »^85(*).

Sankara uses of this advisability to take a very radical measure in favor of the woman. « We will make so that the wages cease being the only property of the man to become a family property »^86(*). The idea of vital wages for the housewife has been just posed like a socio-economic guiding principle of the revolutionary company.

In September 1983, Thomas Sankara holds a meeting in Dori. He largely develops his thought to with it on the emancipation of the woman. But, it is necessary to wait until on October 2, 1983, ultimate occasion to make the Political Speech of Orientation (D.O.P). The DOP wants to be a bible of the revolutionist and reserve an important passage to « The voltaic woman, her role in the democratic and popular revolution »^87(*). Sunday July 15, 1984, Thomas Sankara meets the women at the house of the people to invite them to organize itself for their release. At the time of the national week of the woman of 1st at March 8, 1985, Thomas Sankara, during a maintenance, makes a comparative description of the revolutionary woman reactionary and that^88(*).

All these great revolutionary masses, these festivals and these commemorations make it possible to president Sankara to carry his message to the borders of Faso. The revolutionary leader likes the direct communication with the people. That has the advantage, according to him, to support a strong mobilization. Thus twice, it directly meets the women of all provinces with Ouagadougou : July 15, 1984 and on March 8, 1987. It becomes, by this skew, it « captain populates »

2.2. MEDIA ECHO

The radio, television and the newspaper industry, in particular Sidwaya and African Carrefour, state-owned properties are given the responsability to popularize the speeches of president Sankara. In addition to the rough transmission of the messages of Sankara, these media propose to clarify its political speech for a better comprehension. They become, consequently, of the bodies of information, formation and propaganda. They transmit the revolutionary ideology to the last hamlet of Burkina. The press becomes ideological and contributes to the regeneration of the company burkinabé. It takes part of the revolution, by taking again the key words of the speech sankarist and by commenting on them assiduously : freedom, equality, social justice, dignity.

The titles of the newspaper industry emphasize the engagement of the presidential speech in favor of the woman. On the meeting of Sunday July 15, 1984 at the house of the people, Salia Zerbo titrates in Sidwaya : « The Head of the State meets the women : the call to freedom »^89(*). The term « Call » refers to the speech like means of action, like important lever of the change socio-policy. If the speech exhorts, the speech defines also a precise political line. True echo room of the speech sankarist, the columns of the bodies of press open with the militancy and propaganda. As of September 23, 1983, Béatrice Damiba takes again the remarks of the national secretary-general of CDR, Pierre Ouédraogo, in African the Carrefour weekly magazine. « The revolution does not distinguish the man from the woman, not of ``discrimination sexist '' in the opposition of the woman ». Béatrice Damiba in her comment supports that « to give the capacity to the people, it is to give it to the women, to release the people is to release the woman »^90(*). Salia Zerbo brings back the thought of Thomas Sankara, « benefits from the revolutionary woman, according to the comrade chair, profits with that which makes good toilet, which is vain, beautiful, militant of the RDP. The good toilet will be done with modest means »^91(*).

Luc Adolphe Tiao notes a significant progress in the feminist combat of CNR. « Today everywhere in Upper Volta slogans punctuated by CDR : « With bottom the women budgétivores » - « with bottom women and the men reactionaries » « with bottom feudal husbands », start to have a real impact on the company »^92(*). The daily newspaper Sidwaya n° 326 of Monday 5 August 1985, special second birthday of the RDP, conceived in the form of magazine shows the will of the mode to shake the good consciences. As of the one, one reads « large popular parade of August 4 the women were splendid ! », « the new popular army grants a real place to the woman »^93(*). On page 5, a streamer present : « Association of the maidservants of Christ » « the people which fight will succeed but the lazy ones remain dominated. The Bible ». This inscription compares the mission of CNR to the saving mission of Christ. The press largely contributes to diffuse the watchwords of the mode. She encourages with the adoption of particular provisions intended to support the increase in the rate of schooling, the elimination of illiteracy of the women and their educational level. She must also work in the field of health and promote the structures of gathering of the women and the cribs and the nursery popular in rural medium to support their participation, not only with the production but also with the whole of the sociocultural activities. To disseminate information more widely, by the use of modern technologies which make it possible to produce more, while releasing the man power, concerns within the competence of the press.

The presence of the problem of the female condition is thus undeniable in the speech of Sankara. The speech is conceived as one important moment of the meeting of Sankara with the women. Béatrice Damiba in African Carrefour speaks about one « face to face of the truth »^94(*). This experiment correctly translates the existing relationship between the political powerful orator and his public. To put this report/ratio under the aegis of the truth confers an undeniable dimension on the political analysis suggested by Sankara.

Been useful by a political press of propaganda, the feminist speech of Sankara seeks to determine a positive image of the woman as a dynamic and creative agent of the economic and social development.

CHAPTER I.

METHODS OF THE ARGUMENTATION

The feminist speech of Sankara aims at convincing, to persuade its public, to modify its opinion. As Charles poses it. Perelman, in its work. The Empire rhetoric, rhetoric and argumentation^95(*), there exists a fundamental difference between a demonstration and an argumentation. « In a mathematical demonstration, the axioms are not under discussion; that one regards them as obvious, like truths or as of simple assumptions one is hardly worried to know if they are or not accepted by the audience ». The demonstration is regarded as formally correct, when it is in conformity with clarified rules. The deduction which makes it possible to pass from the premises to the consequences plays a part determining in the demonstration. On the other hand argumentation, according to Charles. Perelman, seeks with « to cause or increase the adhesion of an audience to the theses which one presents at his approval. »

The speech sankarist claims, by the argumentation which melts it, at the same time « to gain the adhesion of the spirits » and « to incite with the action » .C' is to say that Sankara recognizes the virtues of the argumentative speech. Saint Augustin, in chapter 13 of book 4 of his work Of the Christian Doctrines, analyzes the deep springs of this type of speech :

« The audience will not be really persuaded that if it is led by your promises and is frightened by your threats, if it rejects what you condemn and embraces what you recommend; if it deplores in front of what you present like lamentable; if it apitoie in front of those which you present like worthy of pity and deviates from those which you present to him like men to fear and to avoid »^96(*).

The goal of an argumentation is not to prove the truth of a conclusion starting from premises, but as the analysis finely Perelman « to transfer on the conclusions the adhesion granted to the premises ». An argumentation is based on various argumentative techniques which can be either at the level of the reasoning or to that of the arguments suggested.

1.1 THE SKILLS RHETORICS

Theoretically, the reasoning takes the following form: thesis antérieure---> prémisses---> arguments---> conclusion---> new thesis. Thomas Sankara does not adapt to this diagram. He removes certain stages or implies them or even the reverse. He generally uses the syllogism. The syllogism is presented in the form of a degree zero of the argumentative structure. It retains only the premises and the conclusion.

Here some syllogisms in the Sankariste speech. « Our revolution interests all oppressed, all those which are exploited in the current company (major premise: assertion of a general nature). It interests consequently the woman (conclusion), because the base of its domination by the man is in the system of organization of the political and economic life of the company (minor premise) »^97(*) Sankara builds its reasoning by truncated syllogisms: « The women and the men of our company are all victims of oppression and the domination imperialist (major) (minor: However only the unit combat releases = implied). This is why they carry out the same combat (conclusion) »^98(*). It perseveres in the use of the truncated syllogisms: « The first timidity of the man comes to him as of the moment when it is aware that it looks at a woman (major)....I nevertheless remain a man who looks at of each one of you the mother, the sister or the wife (minor) »^99(*). The conclusion, which would be « therefore, I am struck by timidity » is implied.

The truncated syllogisms tend towards the form of the enthymèmes like « I think, therefore I am » of Descartes. Indeed, the speaker is not a logician. He can allow himself not to enumerate all the links of his reasoning. Sankara, thus leaves implied premises which it regards as allowed or known of all. Aristote presented, in its Rhétorique work, the enthymème as a syllogism rhetoric^100(*) a enthymème allows a simplification of the language, It facilitates the assimilation of the message by the audience. It is a shortened form of the reasoning which presents general elements that one advances, but that one does not show. By this technique, Sankara is put safe from any dispute, which is of a great skill rhetoric.

The argumentation, against the demonstration does not develop in a definite system. It draws from a body of arguments which the defended thesis necessarily does not imply. The arguments are, on the plan rhetoric, more or less forts according to their specificity. There is a series of arguments which do not approach the formal thought, of nature logical or mathematical and which calls so that Charles Perelman calls « the structure of reality ». These arguments are based on the connections which exist between the elements of « reality »^101(*) that it is about the report/ratio of causality, reasoning by the model or the example, and of the argument of authority.

The argument of the effectiveness consists in recommending a measurement or a decision while being based on the favorable or unfavourable consequences which they would involve. The utility of the reasoning by the consequences seems so well to go from oneself that it does not need to be justified. The experiment that agrees in its Sankara speeches, enables him to pre-empt the consequences. Thus for Sankara, to take part in the revolution is an obviousness, since it poses like consequence the positive transformation of the company. The awaited result is « a company which not only determines new social reports/ratios but causes a cultural change by upsetting the relations of being able between men and women, and in. condemning one and the other to reconsider the nature of each one. »^102(*) Sankara emphasizes the existence of a correlation between the Cultural revolution and the necessary Women's Liberation. It is according to him, indeed one of the awaited consequences of the revolution that of « to create a new mentality at the voltaic woman who allows him to assume the destiny of the country at the sides of the man ».

The will of the powerful orator is to make appreciate the revolution by the determination of its effects which it regards as positive. To pose the revolutionary act is accompanied in the speech sankarist by the statement by a precise quantitative result. It cannot be a question within the framework of this research of multiplying the examples. Indeed the argument of the effectiveness is major in the speech sankarist since the argumentation seeks to show the people burkinabé the better world which awaits it thanks to the revolution.

The argumentation for the example is rather frequent at Sankara. To leave an abstracted development, it uses illustrations which make it possible to examine a fact in a more concrete way, more precise. In fact evidence is used as base with a rule or a principle. « It is indeed an argumentation aiming at passing from the particular case towards a generalization. »^103(*)

Concerning the cynicism of the man at the place of the woman, Sankara expresses it by a series of examples: « it was the case, pays one, in this manufacturer of the time, which employed only women with its weaving looms mechanical. It gave the preference to the married women and among them, with those which had at the house of the family to maintain, because they showed much more attention and of docility that the single people »^104(*). The president of CNR enumerates the sufferings of the woman in the traditional or modern company: « The weight of the secular traditions of our company dedicates the woman with the row of beast of burden. All the plagues of the neo-colonial company, the woman undergoes them doubly: firstly, she knows the same sufferings as the man; secondly, it undergoes on behalf of the man of other sufferings. »^105(*) The argumentation for the example makes it possible to denounce with more obviously the yoke which weighs on the women.

« Already with the four faces of the combat against the disease, the hunger, the destitution, the degeneration, our sisters undergo each day the pressure of the changes on which they do not have a catch. When each one of our 800.000 male emigrants from goes away, a woman assumes an extra work of work. Thus, the two million Burkinabé residing out of the own territory contributed to worsen the imbalance of the sex-ratio which, today, makes that the women constitute 51,7% of the total population. Potentially active population resident, they are 52,1% »^106(*)

All these examples appear undeniable, « because it is reality of what is evoked which is used as base with the conclusion »^107(*). Not to generalize unduly, Sankara starts from sufficiently varied examples. The examples relate in particular to the political, social, economic situation of the woman. Treating division of the labor which devalues the function by the woman, Sankara rejects the flexible rule of manner. It uses in a skilful way of the examples expressed with the interro-negative form, which pushes the audience to revise its positions and to dare the change. « Occupation without remuneration of course bus generally does not say one a one woman to the house only it « does not do anything? » One does not register on the documents of identity of the not remunerated women the mention « housewife » for saying that those don't have employment? That they « do not work? »^108(*). These examples formulated in the form of rhetorics questions leave the interlocutors vis-a-vis their own conscience. They have a force of persuasion by the very fact that they cannot be called into question.

To give more force to his ideas, president Sankara uses arguments of authority. The called upon authorities are variable and coincide with those underlined by Perelman : « the common opinion », « scientists », « philosophers », them « fathers of the Church », « prophets »; Impersonal authorities like « physics », « doctrines », « the religion », « the bible »; and authorities indicated by name^109(*)

When Sankara is posted like Marxist-Leninist, it legitimates its matter by drawing precise references in works of Marx or Engels. The force of the argumentation draws from the duly quoted authority, a very important support.

In the same way that Sankara emphasizes the authority Marxist-Leninist which agrees with the exposed thesis, it devaluates the authority which under tightens the thesis of the adversary. Don't the enemies of the revolution, middle-class men and feudal hide behind the ancient philosophers and the established religions? Sankara denounces them with virulence:

« Détrônée by the private property, expelled of itself, plastered with the rank of nurse and maidservant, made inessential by philosophies (Aristote, Pythagore and others) and the religions the most installed, devalued by the myths, the woman shared the fate of the slave who in the slave company was only one beast of burden to human face »^110(*)

The political speech of Sankara is thus a built speech. It is founded on an argumentative structure not deprived of skills rhetorics. To affirm without proving via truncated syllogisms, to establish relations of causality without to justify them, to legitimate a new political program by referring to uncontested authorities of the past, are as many techniques argumentative which are used as tools with the expression of a political good-will, that to force to a major change socio-policy.

1.2 ARGUMENTS.

In its speeches Thomas Sankara makes use of multiple arguments of a sociocultural, ideological and political nature

1.2.1. Sociocultural arguments

The president of CNR makes a point of defining his matter before giving the a report on the places and proposing solutions.

If the Women's Liberation is essential like « a requirement of the future », Sankara specifies that the emancipation is not a mechanical equality between the man and the woman. She is opposed to the adoption of male practices like that to drink and smoke. The acquisition of diplomas by the women automatically does not lead them to the ridge of the emancipation^111(*) the true emancipation is that which make the woman worthy, responsible and actress for a social qualitative change. To speak about war of sexes, according to Sankara, indicates of a bad interpretation of feminism. « (...) they are a war clans and classes to be carried out together in the complementarity »^112(*), T- it affirms. Only the behavior of the men caused it against direction : « (...) it should be admitted that it is well the attitude of the men which makes possible such an obliteration of the significances and authorizes by-there all the semantic audacities of feminism (...)^113(*) «.

Sankara is brought to affirm that the words are not innocent, that they translate a mentality, a state of mind. The fight of the women against the machism wants to be a right combat. The lamentable situation that the women in the company know, is inherent in the seizure of power by the men. The machism made of the woman a being to do everything. The woman constitutes the Third World persecuted beside the man and of the child. Occupying the third rank in the company, the woman is excluded by the laws in the education and personal freedom, fields of application. She undergoes the exploitation of classes and that of sexes. According to Sankara, the man, the sovereign and the Master, egoist and lazy, illustrate themselves as a fine strategist to monopolize greater profit, without the least effort, in the division of the tasks according to the sex. Sankara condemns theology and philosophy for their prejudices anti-feminists. Indeed, doesn't the genesis refuse a gasoline with the woman? The woman contrary to the man, is not with the image of God. As for Plato, it doubts like the woman: animal or human. Aristote is clear in its assertion, the women are « monsters ». The leader of the revolution burkinabé opposes these thinkers and recognizes a humanity with the woman. He deplores the type of education exempted with the girl who makes of her an eternal slave. « With future the woman, the company, like only one man and it is the place well there to say it strikes, inculcates standards without exit. Psychic corsets called virtues create in it a spirit of personal alienation, develop in this child the concern and the predisposition to alliances. »^114(*) The traditional practices contribute to consolidate this situation: « The rites and the obligations of tender helping, our sisters grow, increasingly exploited (...) »^115(*). Sankara supports that the defects which are in the women come from education: a conditioning with the tender, the eternal dependence. In spite of the importance of the woman in the company, it is réifiée:

« woman-source of life but woman as an object. Domestic servile mother but. Feeder woman but woman-alibi. Taillable with the fields and corvéable with the household, however appearing without face and voice. Woman-hinge, woman-confluence but woman in chain, woman-shade in the male shade. »^116(*)

In this speech of an exemplary rhythmic swinging marrying the antithesis, Sankara opposes two realities, the woman essential with the correct operation of the company in its role of reproductive, central pivot in the social structure and the woman denied, chosifiée, returned to the state of shade. The poetic character of these creations of words around the woman term, such as woman source of life, woman-alibi, woman-hinge, woman-shade could not cover with an modest veil the political denunciation made by Sankara.

The woman does not even have her body. Forced by maternity and the esthetic forms, the woman is unable to be carried out and of « to forge a musculature known as of man »^117(*). Sankara doubts the advantage of the guns of coquettery which the company imposes to the women. It is the case of the excision, scarifications, cuttings of teeth, the perforations of lips which carry damage to the physical integrity of this one.

The woman undergoes the oppression of the traditions hard. The unmarried mother is scorned. The sterile woman is marked. The excision makes devastations. The woman is victim of the male emigration which holds it in loneliness, if it is not in the celibacy.

Sankara, in the same dash, condemns the man, more or less progressist, who devotes himself to adultery by attending prostitutes. Its wages are intended for the maintenance with its mistresses. It is happy to have misused the women and holds of the matter devaluing on them: « meanly materialists, liars, cancanières, intrigantes, jealous. »^118(*)

According to the revolutionary leader, male inconsistency the woman answers by another made alienation of inaccuracies and petty remarks. « Reports, chatterings, sets of scrap, side glances and envieux follow-ups of scandalmongering on the coquettery of the others and their private life »^119(*) They are plunged in the futility and the lapse of memory which appear as weapons against a multiform suffering. The lapse of memory becomes one « antidote with the sorrow, an attenuation of the rigors of the existence, a vital protection »^120(*) Sankara precise: « The same attitudes are found in the males placed under the same conditions »^121(*) is to say that the same causes would involve the same effects. It thus is not of female nature, but well about a social determinism which carries out the woman to adopt certain attitudes.

Sankara calls with the introduction of a new company in which the men and the women will enjoy the same social rights. « To modify in-depth the image which they are made of themselves » must be the way to define the new relationship between the men and the women. Triumph of the reign of freedom and the equality, end of « all the systems of hypocrisy which consolidate the cynical exploitation of the woman »^122(*), the abolition of the system of slavery which the woman undergoes cannot be reached without the upheaval of the relations of being able between the man and the woman. Conscious that the women constitute 52% of the population, Thomas Sankara sighs: « that never my eyes do not see a company, that never my steps do not transport me in a company where the half of the people is maintained in silence »^123(*).

It notes nevertheless that the transformation of mentalities is moving. The women adopted a new language and denounce their enemies: the male, the culture imperialist and feudality. They are « ready maintaining to release itself »^124(*) and their weapons for the decisive combat sharpen.

1.2.2 Ideological arguments.

The class struggle is inseparable from the question of the woman. The thought sankarist has as a base dialectic materialism. The exploitation of the woman is integrated in an operating system generalized which depends on the economic structure of the company. The passage of the shape of company with another, justifies the institutionalization of the inequality of statute between the man and the woman. Two periods characterize this evolution : the time going from paleolithic at the age of bronze knew a positive complementarity in the relations between the sexes.

The historical time with the technological developments sees the appearance of the private property which involves the control of the woman. Sankara submits an explicit relationship between the female condition and the class struggle : « In fact, through the ages and everywhere where the patriarchate triumphed, there was a narrow parallelism between the exploitation of the classes and the domination of the women (...) »^125(*). The combat for the emancipation of the woman is inseparable from the class struggle. « One could not throw enough sharp light on the misery of the women, to show with enough force which it is interdependent of that of the proletarians »^126(*). For Engels, there is a close link between the oppression of the women and that of the dominated classes. It has like base the private property, born from the division of the labor in the social production. To release the dominated women and classes is a fight which passes by the abolition of the economic structures founded on the private property^127(*). Sankara thus invites the women to cooperate with the marginalized ones of the capitalist system: workmen, peasants. The imperialism is blamed in the misery of the women : the multinationals, immoral, encourage the culture of death^128(*). The President of CNR invites the Union of the Women of Burkina (UFB) to carry out an anti-impérialiste fight. It must « to take part fully in the class struggle at the sides of the popular masses »^129(*) Only a frank determination can allow « the liquidation of the races of the exploiteurs, the economic domination, the imperialism »^130(*). This same fight can put an end to the feudal design founded on « the relation of appropriation which wants that each woman is the property of a man. »^131(*)

1.2.3 Political arguments

Thomas Sankara clearly designates the enemies of the women and the revolution on the political level: they are the old colonial powers and their « local servants. » It notes: « euphoria of independence to forget the woman in the bed of the châtrés hopes. Ségréguée in the deliberations, absent from the decisions, vulnerable thus victim of choice, it continued to undergo the family and the company. The capital and the bureaucracy were part to maintain the woman subjugated. »^132(*) Ancien Régime is responsible for the alarming situation of the woman. For the colonial period, the woman underwent the forced labor, it was subjected to the obligation of the cultures of revenue. The neo-colonial modes, according to Sankara, developed a primary education feminism which benefitted only one minority from women. Their eyes, the woman is presented in the form of an object of decoration. « The women on our premises, with Ancien Régime, were organized in folk groups. They bent uniforms, sang, danced, but really did not know where to go. »^133(*) That corresponds to the thought of Kant who defines the woman like leaning or inclination, incompetent of a direction of the duty: « the philosophy of the woman is not to reason but feel. (...) To have and forced are foreign for him (...) It is unable to obey principles. »^134(*)

The neo-colonial authorities created a ministry for the female condition. This ministry-alibi, according to Sankara did not have any effect on the evolution of the situation of the women. This policy contributed to build a false emancipation of the woman: « woman-jewel, woman-alibi with the government, woman-siren with the elections. »

The revolution is thus given for mission of educating the women because the defects which are in the women come from education. This framing facilitates the mobilization of the women by the base.

The situation of all oppressed, including the woman, constitutes a major concern of the revolutionary authorities. The RDP is committed founding a new social order. It fights with last energy the obscurantism, the neocolonialism and the imperialism. It works inlassablement, with the transformation of mentalities and the behaviors. The objective is to make the women responsible, able to make decisions which can give rise to a company free and prosperous in which the women and the men would be equal. All in all, « to allow the voltaic woman to be entirely carried out fully and »^135(*) That passes by the awakening of the conscience of the women which involves a true release. « (...) only the finally free woman will be able to say what she wants », John Stuart Mill affirms. The women are the natural partners of a revolution, which will work to carry those in the middle of family rise and with the center of national solidarity. The RDP defines and affirms more the role and the place of the woman in the company. Within the UFB, the women are responsabilisées always more and more and a positive image in their favor is essential gradually. The revolution intends to put on foot an action plan which will answer waitings of the women in all the fields. This program aims at implying the women in the revolutionary combat : it gives the same chance to the boy and to the girl on the school level. All Burkinabé should not be entitled to the same formation and the same functions ? The revolutionists seek to make coincide the interests of the nation with the freedom of the woman, reflection of a company right, like had preached it the women progressists of the French revolution.^136(*)

To increase the rate of elimination of illiteracy in favor of the women remains the permanent concern for Sankara. To release truly the woman, of the cribs, the popular nurseries and the canteens will be built. The UFB (Union of the Women of Burkina) is a school where solidarity, the unit and the organization are required. It must assume a political role intended to found a social democracy.

All in all, Sankara can impress its audience thanks to an argumentative step intelligently elaborate.

CHAPTER II :

THE FEMINIST SPEECH.

When Sankara promises with those which are opposed to the female emancipation « to be crushed », its speech even takes forms of combat. As Monica Charlot determines it whether well, in political Persuasion, the confrontation of the political theses is intended to devalue the adversary and to consolidate the image or the defended thesis: « To attack and put the adversary in contradiction with itself and his; to put the propaganda of the adversary in contradiction with the facts, to ridicule the adversary; to make prevail a climate of superiority. »^137(*) Since it is a question of defending the cause of the women by attracting the sympathy of the burkinabé people to him, Sankara will build a specific image of the woman inside her speeches, a precise representation on the basis of a committed vocabulary.

2.1. THE IMAGE OF THE WOMAN IN THE SPEECH SANKARIST.

The woman is omnipresent in the speech of March 8, 1987 heading « Women's Liberation, a requirement of the future ».^138(*) Sankara punctuates its text of the word woman: it employs 309 times the word woman (S). That accounts for 10,76% of the total of the substantives used (2870). The word man (S) returns only 111 times (3,86%). To avoid an extreme redundancy in the use of the word woman (S) and at the same time to be able to refer to it, Sankara makes use of words of the same family, evoking a person of this sex. Thus words like « female », « feminism », « feminist », « marry », of « partner » return 73 times in this speech of March 8, 1987. With that the pronouns are added which replace the name « woman (S) » such as « it (S) » (51 times) and « you » (45 times).

The width of this employment and their regularity correctly translates the importance of the topic in the speech. But this word woman is not employed separately: it is built in the sentences using qualifications. It enters lexical networks of opposition and association. It is useful in our research, to base the analysis of the image of the woman created by Sankara on semantic locations.

Indeed, the word woman is accompanied by many qualifiers, it enters a paradoxical couple man-woman, it was supported by a whole of metaphors of various origins. Thus, it is possible, starting from this investigation on the level of the uses of the word in the speech sankarist, to raise of the images different from the woman from which Sankara draws argument: the image of the woman victim and that of the guilty woman. However these two constructions would be only partial, incompetents to give an account of what Sankara calls « complexity » of the woman, if the powerful orator undertook to make a positive portrait of the woman to the image of a Cultural revolution only it defends.

2.1.1. The woman victim

The woman undergoes an unjust system that seeks to show Sankara. To allow his audience to visualize this state of tender, the leader uses of many metaphors. Most characteristic remainder that of the animal intended for hardest work. In its speech of March 8, 1987, it employs this metaphor for purposes to better convince: « The weight of the secular traditions of our company dedicates the woman with the row of beast of burden »^139(*) The woman is comparable with one « beast of burden » i.e. with an animal employed to carry burdens. This figure of the resemblance which the metaphor constitutes establishes a relation of similarity and confers an unlimited range of the message. ^140(*)

By a system of networks of associations and qualifications, Thomas Sankara manages to show the heaviness of the yoke which weighs on the woman. In the speech of March 8, 1987, the women are associated or even comparable with « the workman », with « proletarians », with one « beast of burden », with « vulgar goods », with one « object of negociation »^141(*) « with an instrument diabolicum. »

This manner of identifying the woman leads to sound « ostracism »^142(*) in the company. It becomes consequently a being second « subjugated », « discriminated », « frustrated » and « congédié » assuming « functions subordinates ». Sankara specifies that this being « taillable with the fields and corvéable with the household »^143(*) is also victim of malnutrition, mortality and illiteracy. Hyperbolic accumulations contribute to represent this situation. Thus, Sankara, affirms it in connection with the woman: « Pillar of the good family being, it is obstretician, washerwoman, sweeper, cooker, housewife, matron, cultivatrice, healer, market-gardening, pilous, saleswoman, worker. »^144(*) The succession of these terms creates an effect of accumulation, with the measurement of the extent of the tasks reserved for the woman in the social structure; and this, in contradiction with the contempt in which it is relegated. The same process is found around the metaphor of the wheel, used with talent by Sankara. « Coil fortune, coils friction, coils driving, spare wheel, large wheel. »^145(*) This anaphoric repetition contributes to forge the image of a woman essential at the company, but victim of the prejudices. The woman is dominated, exploited, oppressed and returned slave of the whole company. To express it, terms « domination », « exploitation », « oppression » and « slave » and their derivatives are systematically employed (69 times in the only speech of March 8, 1987 )

In this construction of the image of the woman victim, Sankara privileges the antithetic report/ratio of the couple man-woman. « Thus, through the ages and the types of companies, the woman knew a sad fate: that of the inequality always confirmed compared to the man. »^146(*)

In the Sankariste vision, the historical time, since the appearance of the private property at our days, is marked by the control of the woman. Concerning the feudal company, the revolutionary powerful orator, by a hyperbole translates the exploitation of the woman: « in the company basing itself on the alleged physical or psychological weakness of the women, the men confirmed them in an absolute dependence of the man. »^147(*) The adjective « absolute » indicates of a total absence of female freedom. For Sankara, the women constitute in Burkina Faso and elsewhere a silent majority, excluded from the capacity and knowledge. In front of the General meeting of the Nations Linked in 1984, it proclaims: « I speak to the society women whole, who suffer from an operating system imposed by the males. »^148(*) It should be noted that the paradoxical couple man-woman is transformed into male-woman, which implies in the speech a will to use of pejorative term to qualify the natural adversary of the woman. Sankara misses objectivity and insufflates with its representation a polemical character. It continues by indicating that « the condition of the woman is consequently the node of all the human question, here, over there, elsewhere. It is thus universal. »^149(*) The use of the present omnitemporel confers on the universality of the female condition a concept of eternity. It is to say the difficult task to which Sankara was harnessed.

2.1.2. The guilty woman

True during image of the woman - victim, intended to move the public on the female fate, the guilty woman is a construction necessary to the dialectical movement of the thought of Sankara. The guilty woman is identified as that which was member of old associations pre-revolutionists. Sankara uses of irony to ridicule it and disparage it. It affirms that before the revolution, the women were « organized in folk groups. »^150(*) To compare a political association to a folk group shows the futile, surface character of its approach. The folklore, moreover, is a passeist since it is based on the recall of the traditions. The guilty woman is the woman passeist, and as the revolutionists of 1789 said it, a woman attached to Ancien Régime. Sankara finds the women guilty « very subjective. »^151(*) This insult which takes source in a vocabulary Marxist returns « these women » likely to thwart the emancipation. They are partisanes of one « primary education feminism »^152(*) founded on one « obliteration of the significances and authorizes by there all the audacities semantics of feminism (...) »^153(*) What results in asserting for the woman the right to be male. The guilty woman will thus be associated a network of negative terms taking again essentially the defects identified like those of the woman against revolutionist. Sankara denounces thus certain behaviors deviating nonin conformity with the austerity and revolutionary morals. « They are all these meannesses like the jealousy, the exhibitionnism, criticisms ceaseless and free, negative and without principles, the denigration of the ones by the others, the subjectivism with flower of skin, the competitions »^154(*) The deictic « these » a fundamental role in this passage plays. As a demonstrative adjective, it indicates with the public the female meannesses, but it goes further, it denounces and can, for this reason, being accompanied by a gesture of contempt. The defects of these women are indeed méprisables, it is well what the speech of Sankara wants to translate.

Always using of metaphors, Sankara specifies the portrait of the guilty woman. She becomes in her speech « purses of speculative values » or « travelling safes ». This feature highlights its cupidity. Indeed, the economic capacity enables him to make drifts.^155(*) Sankara reproaches him for being slave « vulgar cupidity and filth greed materialist »^156(*)

Another metaphor is intended to cause the dislike of the public towards these venal women. It compares the woman to mud: « these women are dangerous sticky, stinking muds »^157(*). This image is perfectly infâmante. Mud, unlike the ground or of clay, cannot be used for construction or the culture. The qualifier « stinking » shows how the rot gained these women. The term « sticky » denounces their viscous character, sticking. They are not revolutionary source of dash, and since they are « sticky muds », they can even act as contrary direction. They are presented as women reactionaries « démobilisatrices of the revolutionary dashes. »^158(*)

The guilty woman is finally the woman that Sankara associates the idea « sponsor ». For her daughter, it is « more its owner that her mom »^159(*) This implies that the woman cultivates the dependence on the level of her daughter. Sankara indicates it clearly and simply: « they are the women who perpetuate the complex of the sexes, as of the beginnings of the education and the training of the character. »^160(*)

These savage criticisms against the women make it possible the speech to be prevailed of a certain objectivity.

2.1.3 The positive woman.

A political demonstration cannot begin only on one degraded image of the woman. Victim or culprit, the woman cannot thus be carrying future. Sankara must necessarily bring in its speech the image of the positive, model woman possible to follow.

Sankara builds the image of the deserving woman. It expresses it through a network of associations. The woman is identified thus with « protective tenderness », with « innocence », with « generosity », with « dignity », with « honor », with « hospitality ». It reveals qualities of the woman thanks to adapted stylistic devices as shows it following hyperbolic accumulation:

« This human, vast being and complex conglomerate of pains and joys, loneliness in the abandonment, and however creative cradle of immense humanity, this being of suffering, frustration and humiliation, and yet, inexhaustible source of happiness for each one of us; Incomparable place of any affection, pivot of the courages and even most unexpected; this being known as weak but incredible inspiring force of the ways which lead to the honor, this being, carnal truth and spiritual certainty; This being, women it is you! (...) »^161(*)

The setting on standby of the word woman in this quotation translates a will to emphasize the woman. The use of connection with adversative value, such as « however », « however », « but », allows to establish a contrast between the fate of the woman and her intrinsic value. The woman shines by her love of the family. Metaphroric periphrases comparing the woman to one « vital center which welds all the members of the family »^162(*) or with one « pillar of the good family being »^163(*) clearly define the place impossible to circumvent of this one in the family.

To attract the sympathy of the women, Sankara adopts an eulogistic tone at their place at the end of his speech. It compares the woman to a teacher, with a guide. « The women ensure the permanence of our people, the women ensure to become it of humanity, the women ensure the continuation of our work, the women ensure the pride of each man »^164(*) The anaphoric repetition « the women ensure » give in the passing the character of a profession of faith. Sankara believes in the positive woman of which it draws contours. The woman is not any more the revolutionary partner, it becomes the woman rédemptrice, that which makes of the man the possible actor of the revolution. « Any proud man, any strong man, draws his energies near a woman, the inexhaustible source, the key of the victories are always between the hands of the woman. It is near the woman, sister or partner, that each one of us finds the start of the honor and dignity »^165(*). Terms « honor », « dignity » and « indulgence » open and close the speech of Thomas Sankara of March 8, 1987. That confirms its will to put the women in first line of the revolutionary combat and to assert for those of the civic rights and political equal.

The argumentation of Sankara, to cause the adhesion of the public to its project of company, is based on a contrasted image of the woman, with the measurement of the phases of its political speech.

2.2. A SPEECH POLEMIZES

In the speech of March 8, 1987, Sankara dissociates speeches reactionaries and adopts a polemical language. Its remarks tally well with the thought of E. Balibar which declares: « if the language (...) is « indifferent » to the division of the classes and their fight, it is not followed from there that the classes are « indifferent » with the language. They use it, on the contrary, in a way given in the field of their antagonism, in particular of their political struggle. »^166(*)

Sankara rebuilt, in its feminist speech, the company according to a vision manichéenne: partisans on a side and enemies of the other. This a little simplistic image has virtues of propaganda. It makes it possible to reduce in a teaching way, the complexity of the problems arising. It can be used as reference to the people to dissociate what is inside the revolution of what is external for him.

2.2.1. Partisans of the female cause

The democratic and popular revolution, the proletariat, the farmers, the women gathered within the UFB constitute, with the eyes of Sankara, the partisans of the female cause. All in all, all the revolutionists convinced of the fight against any kind of exploitation militate in favor of the emancipation of the woman. Those work together to achieve major goals like the access of the women to all the starch pastes, the abolition of the prostitution, the participation of the women in the decision-makings and the exercise of the popular capacity. The advent of the revolution is presented in the form of a victory of the partisans of the improvement of the female condition. The revolution is a vector of freedom as expresses it following personification: « But only one night carried the woman in the middle of family rise and with the center of national solidarity. Carrying freedom, the dawn consecutive of August 4, 1983 made him echo for overall, equal, interdependent and complementary, we went coast to coast, as only one people. »^167(*) This personification, by giving a humanity to the night of August 4, confers a power to him and pushes the audience (here women) to believe in the advent of a new social order. Concerning the emancipation of the woman, the RDP already prepared the ground of the combat. Always using of personification, Sankara notes: « The democratic and popular revolution created the condition of such a combat liberator. »^168(*) It continues in the same direction while affirming: « Thus our revolution specified not only the objective to be reached in the question of the fight of emancipation of the woman. But it also indicated the way to be followed, the means to implement and the principal actors of this combat. »^169(*).

The repetition in the assertion which follows watch the place and the role impossible to circumvent which must assume the UFB: « Organization of mass, come late compared to others, it is not therefore in margin of our victorious walk and we make confidence with the UFB so that all the women, all our women, any woman and all the society women whole are mobilized. »^170(*) The employment of « all (S) » and of « entirety » gives a universal dimension to the UFB whose operating range has limits only the poles. There is a will here obvious to exaggerate the importance of the UFB, and therefore, of the task which is assigned to him, in order to incite the women with the action. This vastness of the combat that the women must undertake within the framework of their organization is underlined by Sankara: « the task is thus hard. »^171(*) What makes say to the revolutionary leader that one of the major assets of the RDP was the creation of the UFB, arms with combat for the Women's Liberation. Indeed the advent of this female structure revolutionary which considering the day in 1985, mark the starter of a transformation of mentalities on the level of the women.^172(*) They « take part more and more in the decision-makings, the effective exercise of the popular capacity. »^173(*)

To take stock of the assets of the revolution, Sankara gives a dimension exaggerated to the work of the RDP. It affirms: « Our revolution, during the three years and half, oeuvé with the progressive elimination of the practices devaluing by the woman, such as the neighbouring prostitution and practices like the vagrancy and the delinquency of the girls, the forced marriage, the excision and the particularly difficult conditions of the woman. »^174(*). All these evils come under the field of mentalities and their elimination cannot be carried out in if little time. This speech is thus propagandist and aims at putting forward the hugeness of the combat carried out by the revolution. It aims to cause the warlike action, to push energies by a conditioning of the spirits

Can one really locate the border between the assets of Sankara and his projects of Sankara? When this last affirms: « While contributing to solve the problem of water everywhere, while also contributing to the installation of the mills in the villages, by popularizing the improved hearths, by creating popular nurseries, as a practitioner vaccination with the daily newspaper, incentive with the food healthy, abundant, varied, the revolution without any doubt contributes to improve the living conditions of the woman burkinabé »^175(*), The setting on standby of the revolution term associated with the expression « without any doubt » confers on the RDP an undeniable force of action, which contributes to handle of advantage the audience. The RDP is given like mission of returning justice to the woman, justice which the enemies of the female cause deny to him.

2.2.2. Enemies of the female cause

Sankara blames the man, feudality (retrograde obscurantists and dark forces), the imperialism and the servants local like the adversaries of the female condition. They represent the irreducible enemies of the women, as the president of CNR underlines it: « The women manage to define who are their enemies. Enemies inside the man, the male but also enemies like the imperialism and the cultural system that it brought, and also the feudal system of yesterday which existed on our premises, well before the arrival of colonialism. »^176(*) The repetition of the word « enemies » and the use of plural translate the importance of the enemies and presupposes the width of the combat which awaits the partners of the female cause. The camp of the adversaries is explicitly indicated. They form the reaction i.e. the counter-revolution. To disparage them, a whole of networks of associations and qualifications are carefully established. Thus, to the enemies of terms degrading associate like: « System of hypocrisy », « violence », « inequality », « male silly thing », « feudal reign », « colonial reign », « apartheid », « retrograde forces ». They are described as « irresponsible », of « jealous » of « prostitueurs », of « procurers ». Sankara presents a negative image of its enemies.

It melts its reasoning more on appearance that on reality, which enables him to draw the attention of the audience, to obtain its adhesion with its ideas. It is not concealed with the thought of G. Klaus which affirms: « Appearance acts directly and immediately on the broad masses and constitutes for this reason a dominating topic of the political language. »^177(*) All the speech of Sankara is founded on the technical principle which consists in restricting the import of the act of the adversary. It disparages the action of the modes « neo-colonial », which, in its eyes, did not do anything for the improvement of the female condition. In spite of « the creation of the Ministry for the female condition, a ministry alibi », Sankara is not only astonished « the prostitution developed, that the access of the women to educations and employment did not improve, that the civic rights and policy of the women remained been unaware of, that the conditions of existence of the women downtown as in shift by no means improved. »^178(*) This restricted policy resulted in manufacturing a type of woman based on an pseudo-emancipation: « political Woman-alibi with the government ». Sankara tries to discredit the reactionaries by a series of insults. Insulting and pejorative formulas « always associate designation, description and illegitimation of the enemy » (P. Ansart)^179(*)

Thus when Sankara seeks to show that the imperialists supported misery, it uses of the following allegory: « (...) the intrusion of the by far come raptors contributed has to ferment the loneliness of the women and to worsen the precariousness of their condition. »^180(*). The expression « by far come raptors » evokes the greed and the cupidity of those which are thrown on their prey. The imperialism is seen like a constant danger. It is the same logic which guides Sankara in its description of the imperialism during its interview of March 17, 1985, granted with the journalist Ernest Harsch: « it is in practice that I saw that the imperialism is a monster, a monster which has claws, which has horns, which has hooks, which bite, which has venom, which is without pity. » The repetition of the word « monster » carries the animality and the immorality of the imperialism to its paroxysm.

The technique of the allegory was useful much in the polemical and political literature of the French revolution of 1789. Ferdinand Brunot makes an analysis of the use of the allegory in the political speech of the time. He shows how in the political powerful orators like Robespierre, Saint-Just, Rivarol adopt the allegorical language because they want to be the teachers of the people. Like them, Sankara will use the allegory to give body to abstract concepts. To make imperialism a monster makes it possible to visualize this concept, to make of it a pedagogically acceptable image by the audience. In other words, the concretization of the aspects of the imperialism, while making it possible the speech to escape an abstracted formulation, makes it immediately sensitive, palpable, and all the more striking^181(*)

In the enemy camp, Sankara denounces the made male mentality of vanity, arrogance and irresponsibility. The man, with the appearance of the private property, maintains the woman in a domestic slavery. Recurring use of the word « male » added to the regular use of « male chauvinist pigs » and « machists » highlights the animality and the brutality of the man. « Cheating », « idleness », « villainous calculations », « sexual whims » are associated the intimate man of way. When it goes to the attack of the prostitution the president of CNR makes the man responsible for the phenomenon. « It symbolizes the contempt that the man with woman »^182(*) it supports while adding: « There are prostitutes only where exist « prostitueurs » and of the procurers »^183(*)

Beyond the men, it is the whole company which is made responsible for this plague. Sankara establishes its matter and extends the culpability to all those which are responsible for ethics for the company, theologists or moralists. The Fathers of the Church had not put up themselves with the scandal by posing this kind of report: « one needs sewers to guarantee the healthiness of the palates »^184(*). Sankara uses here of a retortion which, by an ironic tone, tackles the rule (the Christian religion) and highlights the autophagie (revolutionary morals)^185(*). It shows that the respect of Christian morals is incompatible with the emancipation of the woman. It works to impose revolutionary morals on the detriment of religious morals: « With « morals » immoral of the exploiteuse and corrupted minority, we affix the revolutionary morals of a whole people for social justice »^186(*), the president of CNR specifies.

By taking its adversaries with the word, Sankara ridicules them and its message gains of credibility. It is presented thus in the form of the only one parking morals without which chaos would reign. Because, if those in charge with the protection and the education of the company like the old men (guaranteeing of the traditions) and the Fathers of the Church failed in their mission, only safety remains an unconditional fidelity with the revolution. The evil is at the level of mentalities bus as of the birth a differential education is exempted to the young boy (« gift of god ») and with the girl (« fate »). The rites and the obligation of tender continue to maintain the girl and leaving the woman in a total dependence. « (.) The social strait jacket will enclose the girl more, with each stage of its life »^187(*) It « social strait jacket » correctly translated the violence which is made on the woman by holding of the traditional company. It is to also say that the woman one is alienated with the concrete direction of the term and that its tender is obtained by intolerable coercive measurements. All the argumentation of Sankara aims at encouraging with the action for an upheaval of the established order. To put an end to « the relation of appropriation which wants that each woman is the property of a man »^188(*) remains the final objective of the burkinabé revolutionary leader.

The polemical technique of Sankara rests on the designation and the systematic denigration of its adversaries. The violence of its remarks, the use of insults gives on its speech an obvious committed character.

CONCLUSION

To encourage with the action constitutes the ultimate goal of Sankara. This revolutionary leader declares a war of words against his adversaries. Its speech is with the measurement of what G. Klaus declares : « The language of the policy is an element of the class struggle (...) the words are weapons, poisons or tranquillizing »^189(*). That is all the more true as Sankara tackles a problem anchored in collective mentality. « The tool of the language wants to be a weapon of shock for the new mode »^190(*).Sankara institutes a revolutionary language whose major stake is to reverse the old order, and to create another of them. In this direction, it affirms : « It is thus a question of restoring with the man his true image while making triumph the reign over freedom beyond natural differentiations, thanks to the liquidation of all the systems of hypocrisy which consolidate the cynical exploitation of the woman »^191(*). This profession of faith clarifies the engagement of the revolutionists which is to overcome the multiple enemies. Female emancipation Sankara gives the way here to be followed : it is presented as a guide which gives lessons and which holds the truth. Its force lies in its will to clarify its political project and to transmit a teaching message. The political struggle becomes, above all, a fight to impose an ideological truth.

The policy sankarist is based on the Marxism-Leninism. It engages in the direction of the rupture and is essential a revolution of the verb. It défint the mission of the new woman. « Also, this one must it engage in the application of the anti-impérialistes watchwords, to produce and consume burkinabé, while being always affirmed like an economic agent of foreground, producer as consumer of the local products »^192(*) this supposes a revolutionary will to precipitate the destruction of the systems which control the woman and to build a new economic order in which it would profit from a full blooming. By inviting the women to put itself in the forefront to produce and consume burkinabé, Sankara invites them to show patriotism. This last feature of revolutionary morals is accompanied by a will to acquire ascetic virtues^193(*). To count on its own forces leads the President of CNR to encourage the women to be useful itself of their own weapon which the UFB constitutes. « It rests with to you to sharpen it more so that its blows are sharper and allow you to always gain always and victories »^194(*). This call aims at giving confidence to the women so that they persevere in their permanent search of the emancipation.

The step sankarist consists in educating the women, to provide them the weapons of a later combat. Because, to act, it is essential that those Ci become aware of their critical situation and the need for causing a change qualifier. « One does not fight although what one knows well and a combat succeeds only if one is convinced of his accuracy »^195(*) Sankara note. It tries to reassure the women on the goodwill of the RDP. « It is a question of requiring in the name of the revolution which came to give and not to take, that justice is made to the women »^196(*). The revolution symbolizes a force which delivers. It is presented in the form of a providence, a safety for all the women. It incarnates kindness and generosity, it is thus not segregationist. The RDP does not distinguish the man from the woman, it does not make « discrimination sexist ». The camp of the Good is that of the democratic and popular Revolution, antithesis of the Reaction, camp of the Evil, par excellence. This a little simplistic vision manichéenne delimits the reports/ratios of force that Sankara establishes between the revolutionary camp and the enemies of the Revolution^197(*). The revolution and the women are partners in the constant research of freedom and Sankara clearly expresses it in these terms : « Women, my comrades of fights, it is with you that I speak »^198(*).

Thomas Sankara addresses particularly to the women in a direct way at the time of the meetings and via the media. To gather its audience, to give him a conscience of crowd and to educate it by the means of images and symbols constitute the step specific to the president of CNR. This technique of approach produces undeniable effects which belong to the heritage left by Sankara after its death.

Indeed, Sankara exploits the mass psychology. Its attitude is in conformity with this assertion of Gustave the Good : « by the fact alone that the individuals are transformed into crowd they have a kind of collective heart which makes them feel to think and to act in a way completely different from that of which would feel would think, to act each one of them insulation »^199(*). Sankara, like all « revolutionist », takes care to gather them « masses » in « press », to impress them by vigorous harangues. Vis-a-vis an acquired audience, Sankara passes from the watchword to the teaching activity. « What very often requires that we make violence on ourselves : To explain and still explain. Lénine said a thing which we often forget : « at the origin of any revolution, it there with pedagogy » never let us forget it. And art to teach, it is the repetition. It is necessary to repeat, and still to repeat »^200(*). To educate and sensitize become the weapons of Sankara. In this project of formation, the speech plays a fundamental part. The abilities rhetorics, the argumentative techniques most various are with the service of the speech sankarist : to convince, move to take part in a work of rebuilding. The image, in the dialectical demonstration of Sankara, is an important figure of speech. It is a key of the particular vision that is made the leader of the political involved forces. The triptych of the representation of the woman, guilty woman, woman victim, positive woman, illustrates well the facets of the political speech of Sankara. The image becomes metaphor then allegory, when that the president of CNR seeks to strike the spirits. The revolutionary world becomes populated beneficial deities, such as the revolution or the night of August 4, and of obscure forces or monsters, like the imperialism and the religious Reaction. As Charles Perelman explains it, symbolism is seizable by a broad audience and involves a strong adhesion : « The symbol is essential to cause a religious or patriotic enthusiasm, because the emotion can stick with difficulty to a purely abstract idea »^201(*). In the same direction, Walter Lippmann known as of the symbol which it is made « to create the feeling of solidarity and to exploit the excitation of the masses at the same time »^202(*). Symbolism is presented in the form of a language of the unconscious one. It seeks to persuade the audience, to lead it by the promises and to frighten it by the threats, to lead it to reject what is condemned and to adopt what is recommended. In the case of the speech sankarist on the female condition, the prostitution, political, social and cultural exclusion of the women is condemned severely. On the other hand political, ideological education of the women, their access to the use and the authorities of decision-makings is recommended. The final objectives is the release and the total emancipation of the woman. This determination leads Sankara to threaten those which are opposed during the Revolution : « Comrades, misfortune with those which scorn the women ! »^203(*). This formula is the echo of the famous sentence pronounced by Sankara. at the time of its resignation of the post of Secretary of State to Information on April 12, 1982 : « Misfortune with those which muzzle their people »^204(*). Protesting against the attacks with freedoms, he becomes at the same time the exemplary leader who fight, counter the injustice, the arbitrary one and the exploitation in all the forms. Sankara creates in its meetings, a total communion with the people^205(*). It adapts its behavior to one « speech of truth which is stated on the mode of the duty- being, at best of the duty food then qu `it indicates the good- food, the line right »^206(*).

The problem of the female condition such as it is posed in the speeches of Sankara concerns major mentalities of a company. Any evolution in this specific field can be obtained only by one long strong psychosociological process. However Sankara had the merit to tackle what, with the eyes of the company is regarded as normal and essential with the maintenance and the cohesion of the community : namely, social oppression, the economic cultural ostracism operating systems of the woman. And three years and half, a significant change appears in the life of the women. Those can reach certain political and administrative stations. The women include/understand the message sankarist and some of them are put at the front of the scene to break their chains symbolically. Sankara allows the political awakening of the women, as testifies to it Marlène Zebango, political woman, former minister for justice: « The fight of the women burkinabé for their rights goes up in Thomas Sankara (...) it gave us confidence in us, because it encensait us and was the first to entrust stations of responsibilities to us. »^207(*).

These remarks are confirmed by historians who note that the effort sankarist made it possible to place the woman at foreground. The question of its condition « was not any more the object of a taboo »^208(*). C. Benabdessadok concludes : « (...) the destiny of the women left the path of the taboo, the exploitation and of « blessed-yes- ouism » »^209(*). According to him, Sankara allowed the starter of a debate which modified in-depth the facts of the case posed. The UFB just like the popular courts of conciliation is presented as a structure by which the women express their concerns and defend themselves^210(*).

The project of Women's Liberation is inseparable from the total and total project formulated by Sankara to reverse the established social order. By its words and its acts, Sankara hustles mentalities and maintains a control social tight. The slowness of adhesion to the policy sankarist on the female condition is related to the fact that revolution of mentalities runs up against the inertia which is clean for them.

It was always difficult to substitute a system of perception for another. And Bruno Jaffré to conclude : « The evolution of mentalities remains a long-term job, still is necessary it to start without a certain courage »^211(*). Heir to a country where the political domination, the economic exploitation and the social exclusion of the woman were the standard, Sankara chose the rupture. Marxist-Leninist, the president of CNR compares the women to proletarians and is determined to organize them, to educate them and to defend them. He wants the responsabiliser for the control of their own destiny, and the result of their release. Conscious of the enormous force that the women represent, Sankara prophesies : « Comrades, there is true social revolution only when the woman is released. That never my eyes do not see a company, that never my steps do not transport me in a company where the half of the people is maintained in silence. I hear the din of this silence in women, I have a presentiment of grondement of their gust of wind, I feel the fury of their revolt. I hear and hope for the fertile irruption of the revolution, they will translate the force and the rigorous accuracy left their entrails oppressed »^212(*). Words and acts of Sankara thus reveal a revolutionary thought authentically feminist. Seldom in the history of the revolutions, the practice went hand in hand with the theory with regard to the Women's Liberation. Olympe de Gouges, to quote only it, does not have T it not paid its life its opposition to Robespierre and a revolution which was a business of man ? The courageous and sincere standpoint of Sankara is without preceding in the history by Burkina and that by the political ideas.

APPENDICES

N° 1 : Table on the Female representativeness in the Governments of Burkina Faso 1957-1991.

N° 2 : Table on the relationship between the professional Profile and the Ministerial Function.

N° 4 : Copy of a photograph of a procession « Rising generation of the popular National army will see the participation of the women ».

MODE	YEAR	Total members governments	Ministers and Secretaries of State women	Percentage
The Council of government	1957-1959	12	1	8,33%
1ère Republic	1960-1965	16	0	0%
1st Military mode	1966-1971	12	0	0%
2nd Republic	1971-1974	16	0	0%
2nd Military mode	1974-1976	16	1	6,25%
2nd Military mode	1976-1978	19	1	5,26%
3rd Republic	1978-1980	20	1	5,00%
C.M.R.P.N	1980-1982	17	1	5,88%
	1982	22	1	4,54%
C.S.P	1982-1983	20 19	2 2	10,00% 10,52%
C.N.R	1983-1984 1984-1985 1985-1986 1986-1987 1987	20 22 22 25 28	1 3 3 5 5	5,00% 13,63% 13,63% 20,00% 17,85%

Mode	Identity	Profession	Ministerial function
The Council of government 1957- 1959	Mrs. Ouezzi COULIBALY born Traoré Macoucou Célestin	Teacher	Social affair of the habitat and Work
2nd Mode soldier 1974-1978	Mrs. TRAORE Born SIGUE Fatoumata	Teacher	Secretary of State to the Social Affairs
3rd Republic 1978-1980	Mrs. TRAORE Born SIGUE Fatoumata	Teacher	Minister for the social Affairs and the Female Condition
CMRPN 1980- 1982	Mrs. KONE Born SANOU Marie Madeleine	Dental surgeon	Minister for the social Affairs and the Female Condition
CSP 1982-1983	Mrs. NIGNAN Born BASSOLET Marie Louise	English professor	Minister for Justice, Minister of Justice
	Mrs. KAMBOU Born Hien Paulin	To advise Social Affairs	Minister for the Social Affairs and the Female Condition
	Mrs. NACOULMA born OUEDRAOGO Odile	Biochemist	Minister for the Social Affairs
CNR	Mrs. BLADE Born ROUAMBA Bunadette	Welfare officer	Minister for the Social Affairs
	Miss OUEDRAOGO Adele	Tally of Bank	Minister for the Budget
	Mrs. OUEDRAOGO Born GUISSOU Joséphine	Socialogist Welfare officer	Minister for Family Rise and National Solidarity
	Miss Rita SAWADOGO	Executive secretary	Minister for the Sports and the leisures
	Miss Noélie Marie Beatrice DAMIBA	Journalist	Minister for the Environment and Tourism
	Miss BAMBA Born LOUGUE Azata	Doctor	Minister for health
	Mrs. SANOU Born CAD Bernadette	Diploma in Poétesse letters	Minister for the Culture
	Mrs. SALEMBERE Born OUEDRAOGO Alimata	Journalist	Minister for the Culture
	Miss Marie Noélie Beatrice DAMIBA	Journalist	Minister for the Environment and Tourism then Data processing and Culture
	Mrs. SALEMBERE Born OUEDRAOGO Alimata	Journalist	Secretary of State to the Culture
	Mrs. TIENDREBEOGO Born KABORE Alice	Historian	Secretary of State to the Social action then Minister for the Elimination of illiteracy of Mass
	Mrs. SANOGHO Born GUINDO Bintou	Engineer Statisticien	Minister for Finance

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SOURCES OF PRESS

* ¹ G. TARRAB, R. BANEGAS proposed an analysis of the burkinabé speech of the revolution on the one hand, on the other hand B. JAFFRÉ, L. MARTENS, S. ANDRIAMIRADO AND V. SOMME produced biographies or works relating partly to the life of Thomas Sankara.

* ³ GAKUNZI (D), Thomas SANKARA, « To dare to invent the future ». Word of SANKARA (1983-1987), New York and Paris Pachfinder and Harmattan, 1991, p. 58.

* ⁵ « Lumpenproletariat », according to Marxists', the whole of désoeuvrés, all those gathers which do not have work. The Lumpenproletariat seems a mass with conscientiser and to integrate in the revolutionary process.

* ⁶ BAMOUNI (B P), « Ideology : the revolutionist », in African Crossroads N 854 ? from October 24, 1984, p. 11.

* ⁸ MARTENS (L), Sankara, Compaoré and the revolution burkinabé, Antwerp, Editions E P O, 1989, p. 249.

* ¹² UNICEF, Analyzes situation of the women and children in Burkina Faso, Ouagadougou, UNICEF, 1994 pp. 41-42.

* ¹⁶ BANEGAS (R), Insubordinations popular and revolution with Burkina Faso, Bordeaux, CEAN, 1998, p. 6.

* ¹⁷ ROBERT (A.D) and BOUILLAGUET (A), Analysis of contents, Paris, PUF, 1997, p. 8.

* ¹⁸ KABORE (V-F), Condition and place of the woman in the traditional company moaga of Ouagadougou. Ruptures and permanences with the advent of Islam, Master's paper, INSHUS-U.O, Department of History and Archeology, 1989, p. 34.

* ²¹ BINGER (L G), Of Niger to the Gulf of Guinea by the country of Kong and Mossi. Paris, Hatchet, 1892, p. 473.

* ²⁴ « History of Burkina since the end of the XIXe century », EUREKA N 19, December 1996, p 28

* ²⁵ « History of Burkina since the end of the XIXe century », EUREKA N 19, December 1996, p 28

* ²⁶ KNIBIEHLER (Y) and GOUTALIER (R), Women and colonization, Aix-en-Provence, I.H.P.O.M., 1987, p.29.

* ³⁰ BADINI - FOLANE (Denise), « The female representativeness in the governments of Burkina Faso of 1958 to 1991 », in books of CERLESHS (FLASHS-UO), University Press of Ouagadougou, 1997, pp. 145-146.

* ³¹ VALETTE (Jacques), France and Africa. Sub-Saharan Africa of 1960, Paris, Sedes, 1994, p.139.

* ³² SANDWIDI (R) and alt, the Partnership men/women for the development in Burkina Faso. Which approach on the ground ? (Case study on the kind), Ouagadougou, YIELDED, November 1997, p. 4.

* ³⁴ KARGOUGOU (M), problems female within the framework of rural education, Ouagadougou, D.E.R, September 27, 1967, p. 3.

* ³⁶ INSD, Burkina Faso, Data demographic, socio- economic and cultural on the women of Burkina Faso, Ouagadougou, INSD, 1993, p. 7.

* ³⁷ CHLEBOWSKA (K), the Other Third World : rural women vis-a-vis illiteracy, UNESCO, 1990, pp. 76-77.

* ³⁸ Deliver (It) single of French of the African schoolboy, Paris, EDICEF, pp. 34-35.

* ³⁹ Deliver (It) single of French of the African schoolboy, Paris, EDICEF, pp. 244-245.

* ⁴⁰ Deliver (It) single of French of the African schoolboy, Paris EDIFICEF, pp. 244-245.

* ⁴¹ UNICEF, Analyzes on the situation of the women and the children with Burkina Faso, Ouagadougou, UNICEF, 1994 p. 67

* ⁴² UNO, women in the world 1970-1990 : figures and ideas, New York-, UNO, 1992, p. 50.

* ⁴³ BENABDESSADOK (C), « Women and revolution or how to release half of the company », in African Policy N 20, « Burkina Faso », Karthala, December 1985, p. 54.

* ⁵⁸ TIAO (L.A), « At the last Council of Ministers. Women take in hand territorial commands » in African Crossroads N 827 of April 20, 1984, P. 9.

* ⁵⁹ ZERBO (S), « The RDP and the woman burkinabé : After the word given », in Sidwaya, N 105 of Wednesday September 12, 1984, p. 3.

* ⁶³ DAMIBA (B). « CDR : one year of popular exercise of capacity. Friendly assets also of the tears », in African Crossroads N 842 of August 4, 1984, p. 11.

* ⁶⁷ CONDORCET, Letter of a middle-class man of Newhaven, 1789, Quoted by KRIEF (H) in a course intended for the students of MAST1 (License) of the department of Arts and Communication (FLASHS-U.O). The course is entitled : Romantic speech and ideologies, academic year 1997-1998.

* ⁶⁸ City by KRIEF (H) in the romantic course Speech and ideologies, indicated higher.

* ⁶⁹ GENGEMBRE (G), A your feathers citizens ! Writers, journalists speakers and poets, of the Bastille in Waterloo Paris. Gallimard, 1988, p. 171.

* ⁷⁵ Engels (F) the Origin of the family of the property and the State, Paris Social Editions 1983, p. 271.

* ⁷⁶ POIRIER (J), « Element for problems materialist of the human reproduction », in Gauveau (D) and alt (under the direction of) : Demography and underdevelopment in the Third World Center for developing Area Studies Mc Gill University, Quebec, 1986, p. 286.

* ⁷⁸ ENGELS (F), the origin of the family, the private property and the State, Paris Social Editions, 1983, p 271.

* ⁸⁰ Russet-red (J), Precise theoretical history and of the Marxism- Leninism, Paris Robert Lafont, 1969, p. 322- 333.

* ⁸¹ ZIEGLER (J), victory of overcome. Oppression and cultural resistance, Paris, Threshold, 1988, p. 271.

* ⁸³ DAMIBA (B), « Why one day of the woman ? », in African Crossroads N 822 of March 16, 1984, p. 31.

* ⁸⁵ « Large popular parade of August 4 : the women were splendid », in Sidwaya N 323 of Monday August 5, 1985, p. 1.

* ⁸⁹ ZERBO (S), « The Head of the State meets the women : The Call to freedom », in Sidwaya N 65 of Monday July 16, 1984, p. 3.

* ⁹⁰ DAMIBA (B), « Women and the revolution. A difficult opening but some », in African Crossroads
N 797 of September 23, 1983, p. 28.

* ⁹² « The woman in the RDP. Voices of its release », in African Crossroads N 842 of August 4, 1984, p. 37.

* ⁹⁴ DAMIBA (B), « CDR : one year of popular exercise of capacity. Assets but also of the accros » in African Crossroads N 842 of August 4, 1984, p. 11.

* ⁹⁵ PERELMAN (CH), the Empire rhetoric, rhetoric and argumentation, Paris, Vrin, 1977, p. 23.

* ⁹⁶ SAINT AUGUSTIN, Of the Christian doctrines Delivers IV, chapter 13 city by PERELMAN (CH), COp cit., p. 26.

* ¹⁰⁰ ARISTOTE, Rhétorique Delivers I, 1357, quoted by PERELMAN (CH), COp cit., p. 51.

* ¹³⁶ KRIEF (H), « The Condition of the woman in the female romantic literature during the French revolution », in the women and the French revolution. T 2. Toulouse, university Presses of Mirail, 1990 (acts of the international conference, April 12, - 13-14 1989. University of Toulouse Mirail), p. 270.

* ¹⁴¹ Change of the character of « dowry » usual, evaluated in currency and tends to becoming a simple price. Certain marriages take the form of a sale (Dictionary of African civilizations, Paris, Fernand Hazan editor, 1968, p. 151.)

* ¹⁶⁶ E. BALIBAR quoted by PECHEUX (M), the Truths of the palice. Semantic linguistics and philosophy, Paris, French Maspero, 1975, p. 89.

* ¹⁸⁶ GAKUNZI (D), COp cit., p. 71. See Appendix III : A Messianic presentation of the Revolution.

* ¹⁹⁹ Quotation drawn from the course « Media and Public » exempted by BALIMA Serge Theophilus (License/MAST1, Arts and Communication, 19/01/98).

* ²⁰² Quotation drawn from the course « Media and public of BALIMA Serge Theophilus (License/MAST1 and Communication, 19/01/98).

* ²⁰⁷ BADINI- FOLANE (D), « Women in policy in Burkina Faso of 1983 to 1977 », in Athanor n° 9, Ravenna, Longo Eidtore, December 1998, p. 81.

* ²⁰⁸ JAFFRE (B), Burkina Faso, the Sankara years : revolution with correction, Paris, Harmattan 1989, p 111.

Thomas Sankara et la condition féminine: un discours révolutionnaire?

UNIVERSITY OF OUAGADOUGOU

DEPARTMENT OF ARTS AND COMMUNICATION

MASTER'S PAPER IN SCIENCES AND TECHNOLOGY OFTHE INFORMATION AND OF THE COMMUNICATION

PRESENTED BY : SAWADOGO POUSSI

ACADEMIC YEAR : 1998-1999

LECTURER

CONTENTS

DEDICATE

THANKS

FOREWORD

THE STATUTE OF THE WOMAN WITH BURKINA FASO

COMPANY PRECOLONIALE WITH REVOLUTION SANKARISTE.

CHAPTER I.

1.1 BURKINABÉ WOMAN AND COMPANY PRÉCOLONIALE

1.2. BURKINABÉ WOMAN AND COLONIAL COMPANY.

1.3. BURKINABÉ WOMAN AND COLONIAL COMPANY POST-

CHAPTER II

REVOLUTION SANKARISTE AND STATUTE OF THE WOMAN

2.1 THE EDUCATION OF THE WOMAN

2. 2 THE WOMAN IN THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC SECTOR

2. 3 THE POLITICAL ROLE OF THE WOMAN

SPEECHES OF SANKARA

CHAPTER I :

WITH THE SOURCES OF THE FEMINIST SPEECH OF SANKARA

1.1 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

1.2 THE MARXISM- LENINISM

1.3 COLLABORATORS OF SANKARA

CHAPTER II

SPEECH AND MEDIA ECHO

2.1. HISTORICAL CONTEXT AND FEMINIST SPEECH OF WILL SANKARA

2.2. MEDIA ECHO

CHAPTER I.

METHODS OF THE ARGUMENTATION

1.1 THE SKILLS RHETORICS

1.2 ARGUMENTS.

1.2.1. Sociocultural arguments

1.2.2 Ideological arguments.

1.2.3 Political arguments

CHAPTER II :

THE FEMINIST SPEECH.

2.1. THE IMAGE OF THE WOMAN IN THE SPEECH SANKARIST.

2.1.1. The woman victim

2.1.2. The guilty woman

2.1.3 The positive woman.

2.2. A SPEECH POLEMIZES

2.2.1. Partisans of the female cause

2.2.2. Enemies of the female cause

CONCLUSION

APPENDICES

BIBLIOGRAPHY

SOURCES OF PRESS

MASTER'S PAPER IN SCIENCES AND TECHNOLOGY OF
THE INFORMATION AND OF THE COMMUNICATION