UNIVERSITY SHEIK ANTA DIOP OF DAKAR

Faculty of Arts and social sciences

Department of modern letters

Option Sciences of the Language

Memory of DEA

Political communication and seduction through the Declaration of general policy of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck with the French National Assembly on February 03, 2003

Presented by : Under the direction of : Modou Ndiaye

Mamadou THIAM Lecturer in Science of the Language

Academic year 2004-2005

THANKS

My most sincere thanks with :

- my wife, Baited, for her unceasingly renewed support and her encouragements ;

- my Director of memory, professor Modou Ndiaye. Without your direction of the vision and your comprehension, there is no doubt that this work could not have been conceived, a fortiori, finalized;

- Mister professor Pape Alioune Ndao, your support and your councils were crucial ;

- Mister professor Alioune Diane with which I am so indebted ;

- the whole of my professors, Senegal and France, who took part in my formation ;

- the whole of the personnel of Senagrosol-Consult, in particular those which took part in the edition of this memory ;

- Madam the Director of Cesti, for her councils and orientations ;

- Mister the Director of Senagrosol-Consult, Mamadou Daffé, which, after me to have made it possible to devote part of my working time to my research tasks and seminars, agreed to agree to deal with the impression of this memory.

- my friends and collaborators of the newspaper the Duty, with at their head, my friend Alioune Fall;

- my young brother, Idy Demba Thiam ;

- my brother-in-law and friend Balled Preira ;

- my sister Hourèye Thiam ;

- my « small mom », Bineta Diédhiou ;

- Moustapha Thiam, archivist with the RTS, to have sacrificed several weekends, in order to assist me in the visionnage files of national Television.

- Mister the Director of Radio Television Sénégalaise, Daouda Ndiaye, to have given access to me the files ;

- Sirs journalists, Antoine Diouf of the Radio operator Futures Media, Mamadou Thior of the RTS ;

- with the CODESRIA, to have accepted me in their seminar « media and good Governorship in Africa ».

- DEDICATE

With fire, my father, El Hadji Mickayilou THIAM say Demba,

Do not fear for those which you leave.

Your death, while wounding them, will put them at the world.

With my son, Ali Mamadou THIAM, « y has that you who do that to me » !

CONTENTS

GENERAL INTRODUCTION 2

MOTIVATIONS 3

OBJECTIVE 4

ASSUMPTIONS 4

PROBLEMS 5

METHODOLOGY 6

FIRST PART : DEFINITIONS, CONTEXTUALISATION AND FRAMING 8

INTRODUCTION : 9

CHAPTER 1 : DEFINITIONS 10

1. The Declaration of General Policy 10

1.1 Approach generic 10

1.2 Raison d'être 11

1.3 Stakes 11

1.3.1 Stakes of communication : 12

1.3.2 Stakes of representation 12

1.3.3 Stakes of being able 13

1.4 Organization and unfolding 14

1.4.1 Mode of unfolding 14

1.4.2 Place of unfolding 14

2. Political communication 15

2.1 Public space 16

2.1.1 The principle of publicity 16

2.1.2 The public opinion 17

2.1.2.1 Actors of the public opinion 18

2.1.2.2 Stakes related to the public opinion 23

2.2 Communication : 24

2.3 Policy : 27

2.4 Synthesis 28

3. Seduction 29

CHAPTER 2 : CONTEXTUALISATION AND FRAMING 32

1. Institutional framework 32

2. POLITICAL CONTEXT 33

CONCLUSION : 36

SECOND PART : RESOURCES OF THE SEDUCTION : THE ETHOS 37

INTRODUCTION : 38

CHAPTER 3 : THE PREDISCURSIF ETHOS 41

1. The image of Idrissa Seck before its nomination with primature 41

2. The pre formatting of the image of oneself 43

2.1 A participative step 43

2.1.1 Procedure 44

2.1.2 Targets 45

2.2 A media clearing 45

2.2.1 Device of setting in televisual scene 47

2.2.2 Process of legitimation 48

2.2.2.1 Mechanisms of polishing 48

2.2.2.2 Mechanisms of conditioning 49

CHAPTER 4 : THE DISCURSIVE ETHOS OR IMAGE OF ONESELF 53

1. « phoronesis » 55

2.  « edge » or the image of the virtuous man 57

2.1 The man of faith 58

2.2 The Juste 60

2.3 The humble man 63

2.4 The sincere man 67

3.  « eunoia » or benevolence 70

3.1 The servant of the people 71

3.2 Courtesy 76

3.2.1 Positive courtesy : 77

3.2.1.1 Marks of courtesy 77

3.2.2 Negative courtesy 81

CONCLUSION : 86

GENERAL CONCLUSION 87

BIBLIOGRAPHY 91

POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND SEDUCTION

THROUGH THE DECLARATION OF GENERAL POLICY OF THE PRIME MINISTER IDRISSA SECK WITH THE FRENCH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ON FEBRUARY 03, 2003.

1

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

MOTIVATIONS

The marked passion of Senegalese for the political thing is not any more to show. It rises from a long practice dating from the colonial time and was accentuated with the favor of the deepening of the democracy. As an activity having an impact on the social life, economic and cultural, the policy could not escape the fields from investigations from several disciplines, sociology to political sciences, while passing by the economy and psychology.

However, in this attempt of analysis and comprehension of the political field, the disciplines concerning the information sciences in general, of sciences of the language in particular, seem to be the poor relations for it. What is paradoxical with many regards. Indeed, the political activity, in democracy, is indissociable of its mode of conquest, exercise and conservation, namely adhesion of the citizens around a party, a program and a man. However, this adhesion is done primarily by means of linguistic practices by which the political actors try to rejoin the maximum of citizens to their cause. However, rare are the university work devoted to the analysis of the Senegalese political speech.

In the same way, with the favor of the democratic projections, we attend with the consolidation and the widening of the concept of public space to the name of which the policy is challenged, with the daily newspaper, and cannot allow D `any more to await the electoral expiry day before to communicate on its projects and/or achievements.

Moreover, with the advent of the means of communication of mass, a new turning is offered to the experts of the policy. Indeed, the multiplication of the means of information and the development of New Communication and Information Technologies fundamentally modify the reports/ratios with the speeches and practical symbolic systems related to the policy.

All things which make necessary a work pushed in the fields of the development of political strategies, at the same time discursive and nondiscursive, whose function is to support the adhesion of the citizens. From this point of view, it would be interesting to study, within the framework more adapted of a thesis, the main tendencies of the Senegalese political speech, their design to their reception while passing by the processes of mediation and transformation.

OBJECTIVE

In this present study, our objective, legitimately more modest, is limited to the analysis of the relationship between the political communication and the seduction, through a basic corpus primarily made up by the Declaration of general policy of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck, with the hemicycle of the French National Assembly, 03 February 2003 and retranscribed by the French National Assembly (Seck 2003).^1(*)

It is particularly a question of seeing how the actors of the political field - field essentially of action, of persuasion and of domination, their linguistic practices and symbolic systems redefine, according to the changes induced by the development of the media and NTICs. In other words, how the development of the means of information and communication, which increases the place of the spectacle, the image, the setting in scene, and of appearance, with the detriment of reality, rational logic and information, impacts on the discursive and communication strategies of the policy.

ASSUMPTIONS

The deepening of the democracy reinforces the belief in the existence of an increasingly demanding public opinion within a consolidated public space. The development of the means of information and communication makes necessary a change of the relationship between policies and citizens. These means of information and communication, more and more, position in spaces of mediation, between a public opinion « lit », and a plural political community. These new spaces of mediations short-circuit the traditional diagrams governing the relationship between policies and citizens.

Because the changes induced by NTICs make that today, we evolve/move in a world where « the vision acquires a statute higher than the word and the image is essential on the word » (Sartori 1998, transl. Pereyra 2005) ; a world in which the prevalent position of the vision makes pass the individual of the statute of « symbolizing creature », with that of « creature spectator ». Consequently, the homo sapiens changes, to take again the formula of Sartori (op.cit.), in homo videns which

lira is wearied, prefers the shortened flash of the synthetic image, which it fascine and allures it (...) give up the logical relations, with the sequences and to the reasoned reflections (...) [and] succumbs to the immediate impulses, carried and subjected to the emotions. (Sartori 1998, transl. Pereyra 2005)

Thus, vis-a-vis this attraction of the image and of sensational, the politician has, more and more, to pour in the emotional one and the setting in scene. So it tends to rock in  « company of the spectacle » (Overflow 1992), and appears, less and less, as an individual of which the ideas should be shared, but rather as a leader who should be loved. It is not satisfied any more, consequently, to convince, but must attempt to like and allure. To like and allure by its speech, certainly, but also by its aspect, its mine, its setting and its step, all in all by the ideal image of oneself which it projects.

PROBLEMS

Without to deny the importance of the rational argumentation, we think that the difference, more and more, is done on the level of the emotional one. The conviction yielding the ground to the seduction, comprehension with amazement, the analysis with contemplation, criticism with the worship. An emotional rhetoric which borrows, inter alia, ways of an image of oneself at the same time presented and represented.

This tendency to seduction would be more manifest if it were confirmed with the Declaration of general policy whose institutional character, the economic and social range, and the solemnity of the two institutions which it implies (the Legislature and the Executive), could prejudge the banishment of ego, of passion and the spectacle, angular stones of very aimed tempting. However, speech of image of oneself, passion and spectacle, inevitably results in going beyond the field of the language and of the discursive practices, to explore the fields of the communication para verbal and nonverbal, of the setting in scene and others practice symbolic systems.

METHODOLOGY

This present study borrows its orientation and its step from the theories of the communication and information sciences. Those being a crossroads where and intermingled several disciplines and fields are found with analysis which are linguistics, sociology, rhetoric, political science, the pragmatic etc, with all the same an option more turned towards the analysis of the speech.

From this point of view, we will be held to move away us from the sights resulting from the tradition saussurienne regarding the language as one « abstracted linguistic system ». Already, Bakhtine had finished protesting against what it calls it « saussurism ». Because the language is to be sought

in the concrete verbal communication, not in the linguistic system abstracted from the forms of the language, either in the individual psychism of the speakers. (Bakhtine 1977 : 137)

Then, we are those which think, with Courtine, which the political speech, such as it is transmitted to the greatest number, is

an extremely complex representation where the speeches are overlapping in nonverbal practices, where the verb could not be dissociated from the body and gesture, where the expression by the language is combined with that of the face, where the text is indecipherable apart from its context, where L `one cannot separate word and image any more. (Courtine 1991 : 2)

So a cardinal importance will be attached, in this study, not only with the total context (political, institutional, social) of the period concerned, but also with the resources other than discursive, which take part of the tempting aiming, via the projection of the image of oneself.

Thus, in this study, which counts two parts, we will devote the first to a exercise of definition of the key terms, followed by a political contextualisation and an institutional and social framing, in order to better determine the conditions and stakes related to the Declaration of general policy.

The second part will be devoted to the description and the analysis of the resources of the seduction by the means of the image of oneself. By doing this, we will initially reconsider the preliminary image of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck, before seeing how this one would have undergone a pre formatting and a developing smoothing.

FIRST PART :
DEFINITIONS, CONTEXTUALISATION AND FRAMING

INTRODUCTION :

The study of the relationship between the political communication and the seduction through the Declaration of general policy of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck appears to us subjected to the achievement of two preliminary acts.

Initially, it is important to carry out a lighting, at the same time conceptual and functional, key terms of the triptych seduction, political communication, and Declaration of general policy. This conceptual lighting will enable us to better determine the principal terms around whose our study turns.

Then, we will give, in this part, a detailed attention with the political context, the institutional framework and the dynamics of social interaction.

The political context is inseparable from the Declaration of general policy, of which it conditions, partly, the tonality, the orientation and the reception. The institutional framework, as for him, legitimates, structure and organizes the methods of course of the Declaration of general policy.

CHAPTER 1 : DEFINITIONS

1. THE DECLARATION OF GENERAL POLICY

We will define the Declaration of general policy under the angle of its kind, its raison d'être, its stakes and its procedure. The study of the kind will lead us to specify his field of discursive membership. Its raison d'être will enable us to reconsider its functions institutional and political. The study of its procedure will lead us to analyze his mode of organization and unfolding. Finally the analysis of the stakes will relate to its stakes of being able, representation and communication.

1.1 Approach generic

As a preliminary text giving place to an exchange between the Chief of the Government and the French National Assembly, the Declaration of general policy lies within the scope of a debate. In a general way, the debate is an exchange organized between at least two speakers, for the account of a public more where less liability. It is governed by rules (rules of speech, time of intervention, provision etc), defined in advance, with a regulator charged to ensure the respect of it. Another mark of the debate is its public character.

As a social practice, the exercise of the debate is subjected to conditions of legitimation which are essential on its practice. The latter must hold titles or to have a statute which makes from there them worthy. It is one of the kinds which resisted the most time and manners.^2(*)

Through the ages, the contexts and the motivations, the debate fills of the varied functions. But most of the time, it obeys a deliberative vocation. In this direction, it is closely related to the democracy. In addition, the indirect character of the debate by which the true recipient is not the interlocutor, but rather the public - which does not intervene directly, and the great share granted to the setting in scene, reinforce the spectacular load which it is carrying.

1.2 Raison d'être

The Declaration of general policy is the occasion to connect two among the three categories of institutions at Senegal : the Executive (more precisely the Government) and the Legislature through the French National Assembly^3(*). It is a constitutional obligation governed by article 55 of the Constitution which stipulates :

After his nomination, the Prime Minister makes his Statement of general policy in front of the French National Assembly. This Declaration is followed of a debate which can give place to a vote of confidence at the request of the Prime Minister ".

It consists, for the Prime Minister, Chef of the Government, to come to decline its program in front of the French National Assembly made up of the deputies, elected officials of the people. This way, the Declaration of general policy enters within the framework of the mission of control of the Executive reserved for the legislative power. It allows the Prime Minister lately indicated to reinforce his legitimacy while profiting from the oiling of the representatives of the people, while highlighting the importance of the Legislative power in the Institutionnel device.

1.3 Stakes

The Declaration of general policy is carrying stakes of being able, representation and communication.

1.3.1 Stakes of communication :

The Declaration of general policy is carrying stakes of communication insofar as it is the occasion of exchanges between the Executive and the Legislature. By allowing a debate between these two Institutions, it is the occasion of an implementation, at the same time of the communication Gouvernementale, and Parlementaire communication. Each one of these two Institutions benefits from the occasion to convey its identity, to show its vitality, and to affirm its importance. It allows, moreover, with the Government, to decline, for the citizens, his vision political and its economic and social program.

In addition, the Declaration of general policy is the occasion, for the Prime Minister, as a political leader, to gain of visibility and in notoriety. In the same way, it takes part to legitimate the French National Assembly by showing with all the citizens his strategic importance, in what it is the authority of validation and confirmation of the presidential capacity. It gives also the opportunity, with each political party and each deputy, to make watch of its knowledge and its know-how to the service of the People.

1.3.2 Stakes of representation

Concept of representation is carrying three directions : institutional, esthetic and diplomatic.

The diplomatic direction of the representation refers to the exchange of diplomats, representatives between the States. The esthetic direction of the representation returns to ritual put in scene by the City, and by which it gives to see its own identity : celebrates, spectacle or ceremonials, through which the fundamental values of a company are put in scene and are represented in a ludic and shifted way.

The institutional direction evokes political dimension in the sense that the French National Assembly functions like a digest of the Nation, that it incarnates, and of which it is at the same time the emanation and the image. Consequently, its socializing function is included/understood, by the institution of rites and ceremonials, which take part in the process of socialization and construction of the identity citizen in any Democracy. Thus she wants to be the window and matérialisation of a plural but organized and organized company. The debates which have course there, between its members or it and the other capacities, take part of matérialisation and the celebration of the democratic ideal by the means it capacity pertaining to the people which delegate the prerogatives of them to those that he estimates worthy to represent it, as well as famous the republican principle consigned to the article first of the Constitution : « Government of the people by the people and for the people ». Moreover, the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck, with starts of his address, corroborates this established fact :

Mr. President of the French National Assembly, Honourable Deputies, the People, sovereign in his decisions, assigned you the mission of being the honoured medium by which I present to him humbly, today, my roadmap having to lead to the effective assumption of responsibility of its waitings... (Seck 2003 : 5)

Consequently, the Declaration of general policy integrates the register of the solemn rites which make it possible to vivify the concept of Representative democracy. And this, more especially as the conditions of its occurred (appointment of a new Prime Minister), make of it an indicator of rupture in what it proves the end of a political sequence and the advent of another.

1.3.3 Stakes of being able

The Declaration of general policy carts stakes of being able in what it devotes the meeting, even confrontation, between two Different institutions: the Government, whose members are named, and who has however the responsibility of lead the policy of the nation, and the French National Assembly, made up of elected officials of the people having a less catch in the lived daily one of the citizens than they represent. These stakes of being able vary according to the nature of the political régime and the report/ratio of force at the Parliament^4(*).

1.4 Organization and unfolding

As specified higher, the Declaration of general policy lies within the scope of an organized and structured debate. Indeed, the debate is governed by quite precise rules which guarantee good unfolding of it.

1.4.1 Mode of unfolding

The direct actors of the debate of general policy are : the Prime Minister, deputies, the President of the French National Assembly.

The debate of general policy comprises four phases : the opening of the meeting, the declaration of the Prime Minister, the general discussion and the meeting closure. The President of the French National Assembly opens, closes the meeting, and ensures the moderation of the debates. The Prime Minister, once the opened meeting, proceeds to his declaration of general policy which enables him to decline its program.

The general discussion, as for it, proceeds in four stages :

- First meeting of questions of the deputies^5(*) answer of the Prime Minister ;

- Second meeting of questions of the deputies

- Answer of the Prime Minister.

1.4.2 Place of unfolding

The Declaration of policy of general and the debates which one followed proceeded in the hemicycle of the French National Assembly. This hemicycle, of circular form, supports the exchanges. The various components of L `Parliament, laid out in half-circle, face the President of the Institution whose seat is perched high.

The Prime Minister and the members of the Government are placed on one of the corners of the hemicycle, with the right-hand side of the President. Just in lower part of the President, the platform is located from which the speakers can come for S `to express.

Illustration 1 overall picture of the hemicycle of the French National Assembly

2. POLITICAL COMMUNICATION

A first design reduced the political communication to the propaganda or the electoral communication of the political parties. From this point of view, the political communication is perceived more in term of messages and attitudes which the policies deploy in direction of the citizens.

However, with the going beyond of the theory of « hypodermic syringe », the development of the means of communication of mass, of measurement techniques of the opinion, a greater part is granted, not only with the delivered messages, but more especially their reception, in term of appropriation, indifference or rejection. Consequently, beside the political actor, affirm themselves more and more, other actors, like the media and the citizen, through the concept of public opinion, but also the specialists in various disciplines whose role is, either to measure the opinion, through surveys, or to direct the public opinion in a well defined direction (specialists in the communication and political marketing).

We will try, on the basis D `a summary analysis of the concept D `public space to which the political communication is indebted, of elements D `explanation of the terms « communication » and « policy », to define the political communication.

2.1 Public space

The concept D `public space was formalized in the Sixties by Jurgen Habermas (1978). Public space would be the framework in which and the concepts of State-social interact coexist , of principle of publicity, public opinion  etc We will be based primarily on the two last, namely the principle of publicity and the public opinion.

2.1.1 The principle of publicity

Being based on work of Habermas, Alain Girod defines the principle of publicity like

to have that has the State to make public, to make known to the public, its acts, its decisions, its projects, its deliberations, etc, either directly, or via the press, so that the citizens, duly informed, can organize a public discussion in which they can make use of their Reason publicly, so that can constitute one « public opinion » lit, the Law and the action of the State being « supposed to reflect » the aforementioned public opinion. (Girod 2000 : 305)

In Senegal, as in any democracy, the right, for the citizens, D `to reach information is a reality. It is guaranteed by the Constitution.^6(*) Moreover, all the elected assemblies (national Parliament, Town council, the rural Council, the regional Council) guarantee the public character of the majority of their meetings. Moreover, the lawful acts are published in the Official Journal. Consequently, the conditions of an appropriation of the public decisions by the citizens are met. The public character of the decisions and notes taken by the official authorities reinforces the will of those to confer on their actions the maximum of attractivity and relevance near the public opinion.

2.1.2 The public opinion

The concept of public opinion is very complex. Some consider that it is only one « artefact » and that it « do not exist » (Bourdieu 1980 : 222-223). Others, like Habermas, to have theorized it, could not deny it. This last, of the public opinion says to us that it

revêt a different direction according to whether one asserts it as an authority criticizes vis-a-vis « publicity » imposed, correlative of the exercise of the political power and social, or according to whether one makes use of it to indicate the authority « receiving » of « publicity » of demonstration and handling, praising consumer goods, programs political, institutions or personalities (Habermas 1978 : 246),

and that it is « the single recognized base which makes it possible to legitimate the political domination » (op.cit. : 248). More practical, Patrick Champagne will be interested little in the existence or not of the public opinion, to insist on the belief in his existence at the majority of the individuals. On this subject, it notes :

The public opinion of the institutes of survey exists because the latter have, since, succeeded in making believe in the scientific value their investigations and transforming thus what was in the beginning, mainly, a simple technical, actually social artefact. (Champagne 1990 : 122)

2.1.2.1 Actors of the public opinion

The principal components of the public opinion are : the civil company, including/understanding the leaders of opinion and the ordinary citizens, the politicians, the men of the media, the professionals of the surveys and the specialists in marketing and political communication. Each one of these components has its modes of pressure, and expression.

ü The politicians :

The politicians and their structured apparatuses (political parties) constitute one of the most important components of L `public opinion. To the favor of democratization, Senegal passed from the single mode of party, with integral pluralism, while passing by the limited multi-party system.^7(*)

Thus in 2003, date of the Declaration of general policy being the subject of this present study, there was not less than 75 political parties. However, three main categories should be distinguished : the parts which we will describe as « inactive », parties « upholders » and parties « leaders ».

Parties « inactive »^8(*) which is those almost never take part in the elections and do not undertake regular activities. They constitute the majority of the recognized political structures.

Parties « upholders »^9(*) are those which, although driving more or less regular activities, take part in the elections only in the capacity as upholders, i.e. that they are seldom aligned with the elections under their own banner.

Lastly, we have the parties known as « leaders » which is, in general, those regularly represented with the French National Assembly. They do not exceed ten.^10(*) The Senegalese political parties are characterized by their tendency too marked with personalization. They have at their head of the irremovable leaders around which is articulated and is held the life of the political structures.

The political parties are described through various demonstrations : meeting, meetings, conferences press, congress, drilled, short speeches, conferences, press releases, interviews, posting, relations presses etc Certains political parties, or politicians, among best secured, as well within the opposition as within the capacity, even bodies of press and media set up to be used as relay with their messages and vision of the world.

Before Alternation, within the opposition of the time, the most notorious case was consisted creation, in 1998, of the Sopi newspaper^11(*), the PDS. After Alternation, the same newspaper will be used as relay to the PDS lately arrived at the capacity but will be supported by other newspapers close to the liberals like the daily newspaper the Messenger. When the socialist Party was with the capacity, it was pressed on the newspaper the Debate.

Apart from the bodies of press, the parties and politicians invest, more and more, in New Communication and Information Technologies, by the creation of Internet sites. It is the case of AFP, the PDS, the PS, AJPADS, the LDMPT.

Moreover, the importance of the communication is attested by the existence of in charge of the communication and spokesman.

However, a difference in size exists, being the resources and supports of communication, between the political parties. This difference is a function of financial means they have, but more especially of their position compared to the capacity.

Thus, the parties with the capacity are based, in particular, on the media known as of States, in particular Radio National Television (RTS). This one made the beautiful share with the activities of the Government and the parties members of presidential mobility and does not hesitate to make a blackout over the activities of the parties of opposition. ^12(*)

ü The civil company

The civil company actively gathers the whole of the noncommitted actors in logics of conquest or conservation of the capacity. It gathers organizations intervening in several fields (development, defense of the humans right, defense of the consumers), the apolitical citizens, the leaders of opinion (in the fields associative, intellectual, religious etc).

The modes of communication of these actors of the civil company various and are varied. The structured organizations (ONG, associations) develop a communication approach near, in terms of supports of communication, that of the political parties. Indeed, they use the media, the meetings, of the campaigns of information and sensitizing, of steps etc

The notable fact is the possibility offered to the ordinary citizen to be expressed and make share its opinion with the greatest number, by the means of new spaces of expression. On the level of the newspaper industry, it is the existence of pages reserved for the contribution of Senegalese on strategic questions or of topicality. ^13(*) It is the same for the radios^14(*), as well as Internet^15(*) which, notwithstanding its weak rate D `access, allows all the same an exchange between citizens around various political questions, social and economic.

ü Institutes of survey

In Senegal, there are institutes of survey whose role is, inter alia, to measure the opinion in the economic fields and policy. 

The institutes of survey have several spheres of activities whose investigations of audience of the media and surveys political will particularly hold our attention in this study.

With regard to the investigations tending to determine the rate of audience of the media, two principal steps exist.

The first, they are the surveys regularly carried out by Institutes of survey, in particular more known, institute BDA, every 6 months. These investigations determine the share of market occupied by two categories of media : the newspaper industry and the radio which constitute the majority types of media in Senegal.

The second step is the resultant of an order on behalf of a company of press on its notoriety, its assistantship or of the topical questions.

The political surveys are, as for them, more complex. Indeed, of their practice to their use, draw up constraints legal, technical and administrative quasi-insurmountable. ^16(*)

Apart from the traditional surveys, there also exists of different « surveys » which is done primarily through New Communication and Information Technologies, in particular Internet.

ü The leaders D `opinion

The leaders D `opinion are consisted the intellectuals, the persons in charge for associative organizations, monks etc

ü Media

The media constitute a strategic link in the process of constitution of the public opinion. We will be interested here mainly in the media known as of « mass » with an opening towards New Communication and Information Technologies. At the time of the Declaration of general policy, one noted the existence of a flowering of bodies of information distributed between the newspaper industry, the radio, the television and the resources of the Net.

The newspaper industry is characterized by its instability related to difficulties financial, legal, ethical, and technical. All things which justify this « misery » (Kassé 2002) that it would live. However, in spite of these difficulties, we could count, in 2003, not less than one score of bodies of newspaper industry, as well private as public, appearing regularly, of which the three quarter are consisted daily newspapers « nationals » and the remainder by weekly magazines.

As for the newspaper industry, the radio is characterized by its diversity, with a coexistence between private and public chains. All in all, apart from this distinction private/public, the universe of the radio is crossed by three main categories : radios of general information to more or less national vocation, the radios sets of themes, and radios of proximity or radios Community.

Television, as for it, was characterized, at the national level, by a situation of monopoly exerted by the RTS. However, this situation is undervalued by an access to foreign chains of television.

ü Citizens

The citizens are in the center of the concept and the stakes related to the public opinion. Paradoxically, they are those which reach the influence and means of expression less in the field of public space. Apart from the elections, which are modes of indirect expression, the citizens expressed themselves mainly in Senegalese public space through various mode of demonstration, protest or support bound, generally, with events as that which is the subject of this present study, namely the Declaration of general policy.

But with the democratic and media changes occurred, of new channels of expression and participation in public space are born.

On the legislative level, the new Constitution guarantees the right of expression widened to the freedom of walk and demonstration. ^17(*)

On the media level, three new elements increase the possibilities of expression of the citizens : the development and the diversification of average D `information, installation, in the media existing, of emissions, programs or headings reserved to the citizens, and the development of the applications related to the NTIC, in particular the sites of information on Internet.

2.1.2.2 Stakes related to the public opinion

As in an arena, the field of the public opinion gathers various actors carrying specific interests, even antagonistic.

The politicians, whose vocation is the conquest and the democratic exercise of the capacity, seek to obtain the adhesion of the citizens around their program, if not their person. Within this framework, they are based on the majority of the other components of public space, under the angle of the political communication. Indeed, the surveys are used for a better knowledge of the reality of the reports/ratios of force than the specialists and agencies of communication must make favorable to their customers. With this intention, the leaders of opinion and the media are canvassed. The latter seem element and spaces of intermediation, of shaping, even of « manufacture opinion » (Blondiaux 1998).

In the same way, the professionals of political space (agencies of surveys or communication), as companies of provision of services, insist on the importance, for the politician, of a knowledge of the dominant tendency of the public opinion in order to work to have it on its side.

The media, as for them, benefit from the political activities, of the events, crises and stakes which they are carrying, in order to garner the maximum of audience which makes their notoriety and conditions the confidence of the advertisers, sources of their principal incomes.

The diversity of the actors to the specific but interdependent interests makes public space an ambivalent place where handling and argumentation, conditioning and confrontation, economic logic and to be able stake coexist.

Between the intervals of each one of these couples, the seduction occupies a dominating place.

2.2 Communication :

Communication comes from Latin communicare and means to share, to divide. But this design first will develop to take into account the concept of diffusion of information, in particular with the appearance of supports of diffusion to broad spectrum. Thus we distinguish two principal forms from communication. On the one hand, we have the direct or interpersonal communication, which returns to the direction first of division, and relates to the direct exchange of information between at least two individuals. In addition, we have the communication « médiatée » which is based on supports in order to convey information. Domenica Wolton uses the expressions « normative communication » and « functional communication » (Wolton 1997) to indicate these two forms of communication. One of the first attempts at rather complete description of the communication is provided to us, through the formulation of one « diagram of the communication » (Jakobson 1963 : 214). This diagram intervenes, certainly, after that of Shannon and Wiever, but has the merit to try to organize the various pools of the communication which would be the recipient, the sender, the context, the message, the contact and the code, around 6 functions with knowing the emotive function, the referential function, the conative function, the poetic function, the phatic function and the function metalinguistics.

CONTEXT

SENDER MESSAGE RECIPIENT

CONTACT

CODE

Figure 2 Diagram of Jakobson

This diagram of Jakobson, in spite of its clearness and its simplicity, does not remain about it less - because it east can be too simple, prone to dispute on behalf of several linguists.^18(*) We will thus not reconsider this debate largely evoked by more indicated than us. We will be satisfied to propose the reformulation of the diagram of Jakobson by Orecchioni (Orecchioni 1999 : 22)^19(*).

Compétences

Linguistique et

para-linguistique

Compétences

Idéologique

et culturelle

Déterminations

« psy- »

Compétences

linguistique et

para-linguistique

Compétences

Idéologiques

et culturelles

Déterminations

« psy- »

Contraintes

de l'univers

de discours

Modèle de

production

Modèle

d'interprétation

Contraintes

de l'univers

de discours

EMETEUR

RECEPTEUR

REFERENT

Encodage - MESSAGE - décodage

Canal

Figure 3 Diagram of the communication of Orecchioni

This diagram of the communication, worked out by Orecchioni, is appropriate doubly for the corpus being the subject of our study. Initially, on the generic level, in what it extremely well adapts to the political speech, field to which raises the Declaration of general policy. Then, in the methodological plan, in what it confers an important place on competences ideological and cultural like with the psychological determinations. All capital things in the mode of projection and reception of the ethos which constitutes the principal axis from which we will study the seduction.

2.3 Policy :

The Greek root, « polished », which means quoted, confers on the word « policy » its common direction of « art to manage the City ». However, the adjectival form of the word « policy » refers to two different substantives of kind like A distinguished so well Philippe Braud : the policy and the policy (Braud 1992). The policy being the field of the action and the reports/ratios of being able ; the policy, practice of the word and the notation symbolic.

However, this distinction between the policy and the policy become porous if the dimension of the word is integrated. Indeed, the exercise of the word, that Braud associates the policy is, at the same time, indissociable of the policy which would be, according to him, sphere of activity and space of being able. Indeed, the word does not constitute it one of the most important instruments of conquest and conservation of the capacity ? Moreover, from Austin, we know that « to say, it is to make » (Austin 1970) ; word, the language, not being more one simple mean of communication reduced to its simple dimension locutoire, but an instrument  D `action strongly marked by its functions illocutoires even perlocutoire^20(*).

That is all the more proven for the political field which is almost indissociable exercise of the word. Moreover, of the political speech, Bourdieu says to us that it is :

a prediction which aims at making occur what it states; it practically contributes to the reality of what it announces by the fact of stating it, to envisage it and to make it envisage, to make it conceivable and especially believable and to thus create the collective representation and the will which can contribute to produce it . (Bourdieu 1992 : p.150)

From where the difficulty in determining, with precision, the concept « policy », as J.P. Gourévitch concedes it, who provides of it us a definition which one would describe as « structural »:

The policy is a circle whose center is everywhere and the circumference nowhere. The policy is a search for contract between professionals who claim an agreement of the opinion on the course to be followed free to fix the best mode of navigation of it, and this opinion which delegates good liking of it to them badly liking the determination of the methods and the tempo while following or by controlling the adventures of the course. (Gourévitch 1998 : p.14)

However that another, as reconciling the two poles of the political concept, defines it as « a fight for the appropriation of sign-capacity. » (Bonnafous 1995 : 68)

Consequently, the policy is not simply circumscribed with the direct actors that are the persons in charge for the parties, but includes also their targets, namely, the citizen-voter and the intermediaries consisted the media actors.

2.4 Synthesis

The political communication, as we have just noted it, embraces the vast field of the production of the messages, its modes, at the same time of design, diffusion and interpretation, but also of the techniques of survey and public opinion poll. It is indissociable concept of public space.

Consequently, we can define the political communication by the whole of the practices and techniques, représentationnelles and discursive, by which are established an exchange and an interaction in and between the principal categories of the company, namely the actors policy, the citizens and the intermediaries resulting from the media universe, the opinion polls and the firms charged to manage the image of the politicians.

3. SEDUCTION

The Dictionary of the French Academy defines the seduction in the following way :

Action to suborn, corrupt witnesses. Seduction absolutely says action to allure a girl or a woman, to corrupt her innocence, its virtue. It says also attraction, approval which makes certain things clean to allure.

It is to say all the ambiguity of the word which refers at the same time to illegal practices, illicit, at the same time as it connotes an attraction which one exerts or who is exerted on us, in spite of us and without we knowing why. What leads the Sirois psychoanalyst to write :

In the seduction the diverted person of its goal and its race is carried out elsewhere than where it is or which where it wants to go. This diversion implies a force, and is exerted under the motion of a charm or the power of an attraction. (Sirois 2005)

The negative side finds its explanation in the origin of the word which comes from meaning itself Latin -duceré « to lead to share ». However, like the Dictionary of the Academy specifies it, It gets busy absolutely, especially in the last meaning returning to the attraction and the charm. By there, the seduction borrows from the ludic dimension which brings Baudrillard (1979 : 18), to interpret it « in terms of play, of challenge, duelles relations and strategies of appearances (...) «. A ludic dimension which requires of it a work of adaptation and innovation. All things which confer to him, to take again Baudrillard, the statute of « flexible ceremonial » (1979, op.cit. : 174) by which any preestablished standard can be circumvented, violated. Because it is a universe in which « the choice of the rule delivers you law there » (1979, COp cit.  : 182)

Applied to the policy, we have evil to share the conviction of Baudrillard (op.cit. : 75), like what « the seduction is what removes with the speech its direction and its truth diverts it ». For Baudrillard, « the strategy of the seduction is that of the lure ». Admittedly, but we think that the seduction is initially, and above all, an interactive process between two agents, the seducer and his target which the first would like to transform to be allured of it. Consequently, in the political play as in the seduction, the truth does not exist in oneself. The truth, in these two fields, is more to seek in the impact, proven or not, on the target that in the founded good of its step.

According to Nightingale (2002 : 238), « the seduction, if not very moral is it, is a dimension founder of the reports/ratios of being able ". Also, the question of the seduction is it dominating in policy. Indeed, as « fight for the appropriation of sign-capacity » (Bonnafous, op.cit. : 68), the policy aims at the rallying of a greater number in order to profit from their confidence to exert the power. It is a marked field, essentially, by its performative dimension.

Also, refuse we to proceed, like Baudrillard, with this distance, quasi-epistemological, between seduction and policy^21(*). We think, on the contrary, that the relationship between policy and seduction is a report/ratio in complicity and complementarity, rather than of hegemony. Indeed, as much the seduction exerted on the voters can make it possible the politician to reach the capacity, as much the detention of the capacity and the exercise of this one by the relevant and useful decision-making, can cause seduction. We thus have there a specular dimension of the relationship between seduction and policy. Seduction causing being able, capacity also functioning like vector of seduction.

If, like Sirois (2005) writes it, « any seduction is established on the deployment of a network of sensitive signs », to allure in policy, quite simply does not consist in convincing by arguments concerned with the logos (logical and rational). Because we are at the era of the homo videns. And this last, according to Pereyra (2005) :

live the world of spectacular, dominated by the celebrities (...) as different as can be the local situations or cultures, popularity dominates the market, the TV rating reigns. We approach the end of the century and each country of the «total village» transformed its company into audience and its population as passive televiewers hypnotized by the magic of the spectacular one.

And like it Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (2002 recalled : 23), « so that an argumentation develops, it is necessary, indeed, that those for which it is intended pay some attention to it ». Thus, the politician, undoubtedly held by the law of the adaptation, tries to satisfy his public more carried towards the image and the sensational one.

From now on, to allure, it is also and especially to like. To also like by an image of oneself (ethos), attractive, which is repugnant neither to varnishing, nor with smoothing by either discursive means only, but, by one to appear, gestural, even a setting in scene on a large scale allowing to integrate the news « company of the spectacle » (Overflow 1999).

CHAPTER 2 : CONTEXTUALISATION AND FRAMING

We could not approach the relationship between the political communication and the seduction, via the Declaration of general policy of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck, without to clarify the context in which this one was done. Context whose interaction with the signs guarantees it « value » of « significance » (Klinkenberg 1996 : 311). Thus, we will give, in this study, a detailed attention with the institutional framework and the political context.

1. INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK

In democracy, we have two main categories of political régimes : the parliamentary system, which give more capacity to the rooms of the representatives of the people, and the presidential mode, which gives the primacy to the Head of the State and to his Government. But, some is the nature of the mode, the power plays of vary according to the reports/ratios of force between the various components of the Parliament. If there is coincidence between the majority at the Parliament and the holders of the executive power, the problems are less. On the other hand, if holding them of the Executive are minority, or relatively majority, this situation increases the stakes of being able and reinforces the conflict dimension of the Declaration of general policy.

In Senegal, we have a presidential mode. Within this framework, and contrary with the integral parliamentary system where the Prime Minister is the emanation of the Parliament, it is the Head of the State which determines the policy of the Nation and names the Chief of the Government charged to lead it^22(*).

Consequently, the aspect confrontation of the Declaration of General Policy seems, without being absent, weak seemingly, insofar as we have a presidential mode having a strong majority with the Parliament. What increases dimension representative and communication of the Declaration of General Policy.

Also, cannot one analyze the Declaration of general policy without studying the political context which induced it and to which it owes its raison d'être.

2. POLITICAL CONTEXT

The Declaration of General Policy, which is studied here under the angle of the relationship between the political communication and the seduction, is that of Mr Idrissa Seck, militant of the Senegalese Democratic Party to the capacity.

It was appointed Prime Minister in November 2002, following political and social events crucial which increase, in a considerable way, the stakes related to its face to face with the deputies.

The Senegalese Democratic Party arrived at the capacity at the time of the presidential elections of February and March 2000, with the favor of the first democratic Alternation in Senegal, on the basis of political coalition broad. Consequently, its exercise of the capacity is initially characterized by the division of this one with its allies. Thus the post of Prime Minister was initially entrusted to an ally, Moustapha Niasse, of the Alliance of the forces of progress (AFP), from April 2000 at March 2001.

In March 2001, the day before the legislative elections, a crashing to pieces rupture takes place between the two principal allies of the coalition to the capacity. This rupture involves the resignation of the Prime Minister Moustapha Niasse, like that of the ministers of its party and those of other parties belonging to its political mobility. To manage the Government, with less than two months of the legislative elections, a Prime Minister (of transition ?) is named. This Prime Minister had two principal characteristics : initially, it was the first time, in the political history sénégalaise, that a woman occupied this function. Then, in the context of a capacity in the conquest of which the policies played a decisive part, with a broad coalition gathering more than one ten parties, the outstanding fact in this nomination, is that the holder of the station is a technocrat without any political affiliation.

The Senegalese Democratic Party, leader of the Sopi coalition to the capacity, largely gains the legislative elections of April 2001, but guard always with the head of the Government the technocrat Mame Madior Boye. Its broad victory with the local elections of May 2002 completes the dynamics of conquest of all the decisional authorities. Consequently, the moment had come for a exercise more marked of the capacity, with the nomination, with the head of the Government, of a member of the party dominating. But occurred of social events will slow down this process : it is mainly about the shipwreck of the boat Joola.

The shipwreck of the Boat Joola will put the capacity in a delicate posture which goes hand in hand with difficulty with a disproportionate posting of its political hegemony. Consequently, the capacity will endeavor to adopt a tone and a step conciliators by inviting Senegalese to meet around essence. But this preoccupation with a consensus will be accompanied by a will to better face the popular discontent and with the attacks of an increasingly trustful opposition, while having a Prime Minister plus brawler, therefore political, essentially.

It is in this context that one assists with « migration » of Mr Idrissa Seck, previously Minister of State, Principal private secretary of the Head of the State, with « station » primatoriale, in November 2002. Its nomination devotes the final seizure of the liberals on all the authorities of decision of the country.

Overheated political context, with on the one hand, the crumbling of the Coalition to the capacity and reinforcement of the opposition ; in addition, the will of the liberals to assume, finally, without complex, their statute of uncontested political leader, in which Idrissa Seck will be called with the head of the Government, will confer on its Declaration of General Policy a very new dimension, which none of those of its predecessors had known. The more so as, for the first time since Alternation, a perfect coincidence takes place between the Chief of the Government and the majority with the French National Assembly.

All things which will give to the Declaration of General Policy of the new Prime Minister a very strong event-driven turning. This event-driven turning moreover will be supported by the marked taste of the Prime Minister for political marketing, on the one hand, and on the other hand, by the Senegalese media context marked by a diversity of the supports.

CONCLUSION :

The Declaration of general policy is a constitutional requirement. Its exercise is dependant on considerations policy and social. From its orientation, the large axes are released in front of rythmer the economic and social life from the nation. Consequently, it challenges, beyond the political community, all the components of the Nation. By doing this, it constitutes one moment headlight in a public space which, with the favor of the democracy, wants to be the place and the space of an exchange between the various entities which make it up.

With the development of the belief in the public opinion, the advent, the plurality and the generalization of the means of information, the Declaration of general policy ceases being simple face to face between the Executive and the Legislature. It is not only any more used for declining, discussing and to retain the large ones directed of the State. It becomes, at the same time, the moment and the place of one « great oral examination » even one « talk show » generalized between the political actors, with like referee, the media and like considers supreme the people.

It will then be a question, more and more, of alluring. A seduction which takes primarily contours of the strategic projection of an image of oneself in phase with the values, waitings and aspirations of the audience.

SECOND PART :
RESOURCES OF THE SEDUCTION : THE ETHOS

INTRODUCTION :

The universe of the seduction is more complex. Often it sometimes happens to us to find without somebody alluring to be able to include/understand it why of this attraction exerted on us. In the same way, the mannequin which receives hurrahs, the actor or the singer whose service causes fright and amazements always does not seize what, in its step or service, charmed its audience. It is to say that the seduction, as an action on others, is a whole. A composite whole, mixes erudite, whose balanced interlacing of various components can, only, to allow the realization.

For Aristote, any speech is organized around a triptych consisted the ethos, the logos and the pathos. And the seduction, which takes part of the will of the speaker to conquer his audience, would concern a psychological rhetoric. That which rests on the ethos and the pathos.

Without to evacuate the force of the rational argumentation, returning to the logos, even less the emotional load conveyed by the pathos, we will analyze mainly the tempting aimings of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck, through the concept of ethos. The ethos, according to Barthes, is consisted  

(...) the features of character which the speaker must show with the audience (it does not matter its sincerity) to make to good impression (...) the speaker states information and at the same time he says: I am this, I am not that. (Barthes 1966: 212)

Thus, the ethos appears like a construction of the identity of an actor by itself and by « additives ». An identity construction which rests, on the doxa, i.e. the probable one, which is anything else only the idea that are done the others on ourselves. Consequently, the ethos proves to be more complex. It integrates, on the one hand, of the discursive and nondiscursive elements. The discursive elements of the ethos return to the fact that the speaker builds an image of oneself through his speech. It is a projected discursive image, which is not forcing in conformity with its me real. In addition, the image represented of oneself can concern practices other than discursive.

Indeed, it integrates all that

(...) contribute to emit an image of the speaker bound for the audience. Your of voice, flow of the word, choice of the words and arguments, gestures, mimicry, glance, posture, ornament, etc, are as many signs, élocutoires and oratories, vestimentary and symbolic systems, by which the speaker gives itself a psychological and sociological image ». (Declercq 1992 : 48)

In addition, the methods of representation of the image of an actor can be direct or indirect. They are direct when they come from the character concerned, and indirect when they are carried by another agent which we will name here auxiliary.

Lastly, in the public sphere, any individual who speaks, or which intervenes, is, quite front even its speech, or his intervention, invested of a certain number of qualities and defects, specific, real or imaginary attributes.

We are there opposite representations that the opinion is made each actor of the public sphere. This image which the opinion retains of the social actor, well before his speech, is what one names ethos preliminary or ethos prédiscursif. Consequently, to study the discursive ethos of a speaker, initially amounts describing its ethos prédiscursif which returns to the doxa, i.e. preliminary knowledge that the public has of the speaker.

By doing this, in this second part devoted to the resources of the seduction, we will study, in the first chapter, the preliminary ethos of Mr Idrissa Seck in order to better see how this ethos preliminary undergoes an attempt at rebuilding, before even the Declaration of general policy. Initially, by the Prime Minister himself, through his « participative step », and via national Television.

In the second chapter, we will see how the company of seduction is worked out through a discursive ethos, or discursive representation of an image of oneself attractive, even ideal. A representation of oneself which borrows from the triptych aristotelician taken again and brought up to date by the Pragmatic one and the specialists in the stating : « pronésis » or the good direction, it « edge » or the virtue and it « eounoïa » or benevolence.

CHAPTER 3 : THE PREDISCURSIF ETHOS

1. THE IMAGE OF IDRISSA SECK BEFORE ITS NOMINATION WITH PRIMATURE

Contrary to the discursive ethos which returns to the image that the speaker builds in his speech, the preliminary ethos refers to the preexistent image of the actor of the public sphere, in fact, here, the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck. This last, born in 1959, is militant of long date of the Senegalese democratic Party of which it is the number two since 1998. It is in 1988 that it carries out an entry in the public sphere, while becoming, at the 28 years age, the Director of countryside of the candidate Abdoulaye Wade to the presidential election of February 1988. It is thus, which after the defeat of the Senegalese democratic Party to the presidential election of 1988, it turns over to France to continue studies at the Institute of Political Studies of Paris. Thereafter, it will remain in the United States where it will work as consultant. Returned in Senegal, it will belong to the men chosen by the Secretary-general of the Senegalese democratic Party, Abdoulaye Wade, to sit in a Government of national union between 1995 and 1998. During all this period, it forever have basic electoral, nor electoral mandate of national scale. On the other hand, it did not cease incarnating the image of the exceptionally gifted strategist, who prefers the strategic reflection at the top with the militancy at the base. It is besides in 1998 only that it enters truly the political battle at the base, while directing the departmental list of its party at the time of the legislative elections in its town of origin, Thiès. A few months before, it profits from the defection of the number two, in fact, of its party, Mr Ousmane Ngom. This last creates its own political formation in 1998, the Senegalese liberal Party (PLS), and will show Idrissa Seck to benefit from its proximity with the Secretary-general of the PDS in order to place its men at all the authorities of being able. Although beaten by the socialist Party, in his birthplace of Thiès, Idrissa Seck Associated Secretary-general of the PDS will not be established less by it. At the presidential elections of 2000, named Directing of countryside, it will implement a strategy of innovative communication inspired by American political marketing built around « Blue walk »^23(*).

This election devotes the victory of its candidate, Abdoulaye Wade, and marks the advent of Alternation, after a reign without forty years division of the socialist Party. Appointed Minister of State, Principal private secretary of the President Abdoulaye Lagging, station which it will comment on while saying : «I am there in silence and with the shelter of the glances », (Sall, 2001), it will assoira its capacity by setting up a network made up, for the majority, of his friends and faithful in favor who will see themselves named with positions of being able^24(*). At the same time, it will endeavor to fight its adversaries, as well inside the PDS^25(*), within the allied parties^26(*). Its repeated attacks will be at the origin of the resignation of the Prime Minister Moustapha Niasse^27(*). After the resignation of Moustapha Denied, Idrissa Seck remains at its post of Minister of State, Principal private secretary of the President and benefits from it to consolidate its capacity. And this, more especially as the new Prime Minister, Mame Madior Boye^28(*), are a technocrat, without membership, nor bases political. After its resignation, Idrissa Seck will be named Prime Minister, thus devoting a man who always had the ambition « in shoulder-belt » and which, already, had registered on its Internet site « I was born to Be President »^29(*). From where the image of « man in a hurry »^30(*), deeply influenced by the American culture which is coupled for him less than one month after the arrival with the capacity of Pds.

In short, Mr Idrissa Seck had, until his nomination like Prime Minister in November 2003, a ethos which returned to two principal axes. One, positive, made of him the faithful foal of the Head of the State, that it betrayed forever and who placed his know-how and its political and intellectual genius at the disposal of Pds for his accession with the capacity. The other, returns to the pressed man, imbu of his person, with the limit of sufficiency and the arrogance, which does not hesitate to exclude or marginalize its detractors and who posts an immoderate taste of the capacity. All things which will bring the Prime Minister to relooker his image before its passage in front of the deputies of the French National Assembly. An attempt which we will indicate by the concept of preformatting of the image of oneself

2. THE PRE FORMATTING OF THE IMAGE OF ONESELF

The Prime Minister lately elected, undoubtedly conscious of the perception not of best of part of sound ethos by the public opinion sénégalaise, will harness himself, before his passage to the hemicycle, to attenuate the negative aspects of his image near the public opinion^31(*). With this intention, two fundamental acts will be posed. Initially, it adopts a participative step in order to be « with the listening of Senegalese ». Then the media of State, Television in particular, will be put at contribution in order to more smooth the image of the Prime Minister

2.1 A participative step

As of after his nomination, the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck wanted to make his Statement of general policy the digest of the legitimate concerns of all the components of the Nation sénégalaise. Thus it met the main part of the socio-professional organizations in order to listen to them from the point of view of the development of its keynote speech.

The fact of making precede its meeting with the elected officials by the people, by the listening of the various significant segments of the Nation, can be constitutive of an unquestionable will to allure. A seduction whose procedure and targets are multiple.

2.1.1 Procedure

This visit-listening of the various segments of the Nation concerns the participative step. However, more and more, the participative step constitutes a methodological element headlight for all actions of development. It remains even essential for the majority of the projects of development financed by the international institutions. By there, the Prime Minister made shows of a concern of method and organization, as to recall that it is consulting of profession. Moreover, this participative step is to accredit the image of a modern man, in phase with the most innovative approaches of its time.

In addition, the spirit of the participative step is closely related to the concept of democracy. Because the democracy, which postulates the participation of all, with the life of the State, could not be only political. It must be declined and implemented in all the fields, including the economy, health, education etc By doing this, before tracing the large axes having to govern the policy of the Government, the fact of listening to the various components of the Nation amounts giving to these last and their representatives, L `impression that the program declined in front of the French National Assembly is the emanation of all. What makes it possible to facilitate the reception of it, even the appropriation.

While registering his step in the middle of a democratic concern, the Prime Minister returns the reassuring image of an opened man, nonsufficient, and anxious to take into account the needs for all, thus letting his image reflect itself through the democratic mirror.

What is not without putting the targets of the seduction in a favorable posture of listening.

2.1.2 Targets

The participative step aims three principal targets : people, deputies of the majority, deputies of the opposition and partners of the State. Indeed, although the Prime Minister addresses to the deputies, it should be specified that its passage to the French National Assembly, who makes deputies the principal component of his audience, must be regarded as a communication trope. Indeed, there is trope communication:

(...) each time takes place, under the pressure of the context, a normal inversion of the hierarchy of the recipients ; i.e., each time the recipient who, under the terms of the indices of short speech has the in theory appearance of a direct recipient, constitutes in fact only one secondary recipient, however that the true addressee, it is actually that which has seemingly statute of indirect recipient. (Dragomirescu 1999 : 88) 

Thus beyond the deputies, the Declaration of general policy constitutes a window for the Prime Minister in order to present indirectly at the People but also at the partners, his vision political. Because it is to the voters, who constitute, ultimately the single authority of validation of the political projects and possibly, with the institutional partners, whom the message is intended, the more so as the character in favor of the French National Assembly dominated by the coalition with the capacity, did not let predict any fundamental resistance.

2.2 A media clearing

The Declaration of general policy of February 2003 occurs in a context marked by a considerable attraction for New Communication and Information Technologies, a flowering of media supports, and leaning high of the Prime Minister for all that relates to the media and the communication.

Thus the Declaration of general policy will be high with the row of true

event^32(*). Because, beside National Television, three radios^33(*) with strong audience were overcast the event with the direct ones of more than five hours of weather preceded and follow-ups by reports, analyzes and debates.

It is to say the eminently event-driven dimension conferred on the Declaration of general policy. And if

the characteristic of the modern event is to be held on an immediately public scene, not to be never without defer-spectator, nor spectator-to defer, to be seen being done (...) from where this impression of festival which the company gives itself to itself through the great event  (Nora 1986: 295),

it does not remain about it less, that because of its spectacular dimension even, the event is initially a building firm, of shaping^34(*) of the topicality on behalf of the principal actors. In the case of the Declaration of general policy, these actors are primarily consisted the Prime Minister, his collaborators and the press. However, which says construction, known as formatting and assignment of a direction to the topicality, presented and represented.

Thus the media construction of the Declaration of general policy of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck will make a true event of it. We will be interested here in the particular way in which this event is built, upstream, by the media, in particular television.

2.2.1 Device of setting in televisual scene

National Television set up a special device to cover the Declaration of general policy. This device is based primarily, before the real starting of the Declaration of general policy, on the combination of a system articulated around a space-time dimension. Indeed, the base of this device is a studio, located at the RTS, in which journalists presenters are installed. The latter have the responsibility of organize the setting in total scene related to before event.

From this space fixes which is the studio, we attend space-time displacements of information. The studio plays the function of space-time embrayor here insofar as it is from there that the choices take place. Thus the cover into direct is punctuated by space and temporal incidental clauses.

The space incidental clauses are mainly made up by the reports, always on line, of the team present at the French National Assembly. This one is in charge of the presentation of the place having to shelter the debate, to make us discover the environment which reigns there, and to show us the various evolutions (arrived of personalities, animation etc).

This sequence, which falls under the order of the direct one, is closed temporarily, with a resumption in hand on behalf of the studio which then carries out comments, analyzes, and disseminated new information.

The temporal incidental clauses are consisted a series of reports centered on the event, with x-ray on the person of the Prime Minister entitled « Full fires on ».

Consequently, the televiewer is held in breath until the ultimate moment that starts it Declaration of general policy is. An occupation of the spectator who will be used as support with a company of legitimation of the Prime Minister.

2.2.2 Process of legitimation

This exceptional mediatization allows, not only to hold in breath the televiewers, but goes beyond, in what it highlights, in its format, as much as in its content, a process of legitimation of the future speaker. This process of legitimation is pressed on mechanisms of polishing of the public image of the Prime Minister, and mechanisms of conditioning of the audience.

2.2.2.1 Mechanisms of polishing

The polishing of the image of the Prime Minister, via television, can be analyzed by means of the concept of effect of framing. The effect of framing presents, according to Gerstlé,  two aspects :

On the one hand, the media construction of information contributes to its public configuration (...) In addition, media construction directs the public charge, the causal attribution of the problem. (Gerstlé 1999 : 24)

Thus, the media bludgeoning whose Declaration of policy was the object, sets it up, not only with the row of event, but the intensity of which it profited, of the weeks before its beginning, hides the concern badly, for the media in general, those of the public utility in particular, to make of it a source of stakes which is explained with difficulty. Indeed, the conditions of its vulgarizing hardly missed. It was D `access the third Declaration of general policy of a Prime Minister in less than three years.^35(*) Then, the configuration of the French National Assembly, strongly dominated by the coalition of origin of the Prime Minister, did not leave any doubt about the approval of its « roadmap ».

The only innovation, it was that which was going to make the statement, namely Idrissa Seck itself. In the fact testifies that no Declaration of front general policy, and even after his, received such a treatment on behalf of the media.

Moreover, it is to be stressed that the reports in connection with the event are more centered on the person of the Prime Minister that on the two institutions (the Executive and the Legislature) to which the event is indebted. Indeed, the special page of before event is in majority devoted to Mr Idrissa Seck intui personæ. It is thus of the sequence relating to its childhood, its course school of more « brilliances », of testimonys of those which knew it before etc

In short, we can retain, firstly, that the effect of framing confers on the Declaration of general policy a stake objectively little justified, and that it tries to justify, by presenting it like such at the eyes of the public opinion. Secondly, the effect of framing directs « the public charge », it « causal attribution » of this stake on the person of Idrissa Seck. The general impression which emerges, it is the primacy of the actor on the action ; the preeminence of the agent of the ritual on the ritual itself. All things which are confirmed within sight of the process of legitimation from which the Prime Minister throughout the special emission profited.

2.2.2.2 Mechanisms of conditioning

We assist, by the means of the televisual speech, with an attempt at conditioning of the public to the profit of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck. Several sequences attest some.

D `access, the passage devoted to the childhood of the Prime Minister with, in particular, testimonys at its place at the time which one insists on his Koranic training crowned with success. The choice of the words stresses the performance thus achieved. Because instead of one « control coran », the journalist speaks about « its perfect control of the 6666 Koranic verses without failing ». The noun phrase « perfect control » proves to be a pleonastic construction. Moreover, anteposition of the qualifying adjective « perfect » vehicle the idea of an intelligence except par. This idea is reinforced by the concern of the precision, with the noticed and remarkable choice of the cardinal numeral adjective « 6666 ».

In a laic company and yet strongly encrée in the monk, this sequence is a wink launched to Senegalese who is mainly Moslem. It poses the stakes of a moral contract between a Prime Minister with the fact of religious morals and people mainly believing.

A second sequence will come to supplement this table. It tries to stress the balance of the man who, certainly, can hope on his religious knowledge to compel himself with an orthodoxe just and equitable management of the businesses of the City, but will be able to be especially based on its knowledge and its know-how D `eternal first of the class. With this intention, nothing of such as interviewer his former professors, with the image of a person in charge for the Holy College Gabriel, where the Prime Minister with fact part of its school course, which will say : « it always made a point of being 1st of its class ». This sentence in itself is filled of direction. It informs about the intelligence of concerned, but stresses especially its will, not to say its thirst, of leadership. And as if the speech with him only were not enough, one calls upon the proof, by exhibant the school register in which the notes of the pupil are consigned.

Thus is profiled, already, some of the structuring elements on which will play the Prime Minister : knowledge and the virtue. However these two components are not they not the principal attributes of the philosopher-king ?

A third axis will be explored, that of the high feats of arms of the Prime Minister whom the commentator will recall on the basis of his statute of « young director of countryside » in 1988 with that of « éminence grise of the PDS ». 

But the work of legitimation is not summarized solely with the development on the sides « positive » of the concerned one. It is also déconstruction and refutation of the negative representations whose the image would suffer from the Prime Minister and of which recurring is that of a sufficient man, too imbu of its person. To destroy this image, one of the reporters will point out the participative step of the Prime Minister who took the care to meet the whole of the components of the company. A way of showing its opening D `spirit, its direction of listening and its availability.

This need for being with the listening of the people is legitimated by the report, in the form of microphone-pavement, by which the word is given to the citizens by television, so that they express their needs.

A fourth sequence, more intimate, proceeds in the residence even Prime Minister. The televiewer can thus have an idea of the house, his taste etc to defer It decides to interview a young boy, wire of the Prime Minister. The journalist asking to him whether it knew it to what will deliver his/her father, it answers : « yes, it will make its speech with the French National Assembly ; I congratulated it and encouraged ».

This interference in the intimate circle of the Prime Minister exposes obliteration borders between public sphere and private sphere. It takes part of a will expresses D `to actuate family fiber, therefore sentimental, via a son close and accessory to his father.

Another axis of legitimation is that tending to justify the place of choice occupied by the Prime Minister near the Head of the State. The comments of the journalists on this subject are extremely evocative : « a Prime Minister in phase with the Head of the State » ; « a leader of a music directed by the Head of the State » etc

The process of legitimation on behalf of television will be accompanied by a setting in scene of the event through the choice in framing, the selection of certain sequences particular to the detriment of others. The entry of the Prime Minister offers a relevant outline of this setting in televisual scene. Thus, little before the beginning declaration, television made us live the entry in scene of the Chief of the Government. The images of television insist particularly on folk animation, the songs and cries with the glory of the Prime Minister on behalf of militants present, for some, since the day before. The stress is laid on the signs carrying of the slogans favorable to the party with the capacity and the Prime Minister. In the same way, the images are delayed on the vestimentary port of the militants present. Some of them wear tee-shirts to the effigy of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck and to the colors of the PDS (blue and yellow), colors which one finds, partly, in the vestimentary port of the Prime Minister. Indeed, it is equipped with a dark costume with horse between the black and the blue of night, which is not without making think of the principal color of Pds, blue. Thus, the impression of a total fusion between the three entities which are the Prime Minister, the party and the militants is given. This impression of fusion is reinforced by the image, wholesale plan, of the Prime Minister sacrificing to the ritual consisting in greeting the militants while raising time with others the arms and in their gratifying of a smile as a sign of serenity and satisfaction. With that, simultaneously the image of a crowd answers the angels. Restitution of this entry « crashing to pieces » of Idrissa Seck is in phase with the event which devotes, on the one hand, triumph of the Senegalese democratic Party, by the presence of its persons in charge at all the stations for being able, and on the other hand the rise of a man introduced like providential.

The entry in scene is capital in a company of seduction. It makes it possible the political actor to give the first impression to its audience. This is why all is put at contribution : raised smiles, arms, thanks, step etc Moreover, it is all the direction of the mobilization of the militants whose role is of « to heat the room », to encourage their leader, D `to intimidate its detractors if required and to influence the public opinion.

All things which confirm the assertion according to which :

The raw material of information ...... is never, in spite of a generally accepted idea, an unspecified reality, but of the words, always, a linguistic matter, representations which the social actors worked out beforehand, which makes it possible to see in information the mirror, the scene or the screen (according to the variables of the researchers) where the direction is worked out, negotiated unceasingly by the aforementioned social agents. (Tétu 1993: 715)

CHAPTER 4 : THE DISCURSIVE ETHOS OR IMAGE OF ONESELF

In the preceding chapter, we analyzed some elements of the prédiscursif ethos. In this chapter, we will endeavor to study the discursive ethos or the image of oneself, such as it develops through the Declaration of general policy of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck. The plurality of the designs of the ethos and confusions which can result from this, require, on the one hand, that we make a historical background of the concept of ethos. In addition, we will specify the design of the ethos which we divide and who is used to us here as tool for analysis.

The concept of ethos is, at the same time, very old and very complex. It was development by Aristote in its Rhetoric. In the system rhetoric of Aristote, the ethos constitutes, with the logos and the pathos, the triptych around of which rests and spread persuasion. The ethos returns to the image of the speaker ; the logos represents the call to the reason by the means of rational arguments ; while the pathos refers to the processes rhetorics which aim to touch passions of the audience. It acts there, like A included/understood so well Jean Michel Adam, of « three poles more complementary than competitor of any argumentative movement (...) ». As the diagram (Adam 1999 suggests it : 102) according to :

LOGOS

ETHOS

PATHOS

ARGU-

MENTATION

The ethos is described by Aristote in Rhetoric (II, 1378a 6), as being it by what the speakers inspire confidence. Ekkehard Eggs translates this passage in the following way :

The speakers inspire confidence (A) if their arguments and their councils are qualified and reasonable, (b) if they argue honestly and sincerely, and (c) if they are interdependent and pleasant towards their listeners. (Eggs 1999 : 35-36)

These three components of the ethos that Aristote names phronésis (thought, reason, intelligence), edge (honor, virtue, courage) and eunoia (benevolence, complicity, sympathy), Roland Barthes summarized of fort good manners : « While it speaks and unrolls the protocol of the logical evidence, the speaker must also say unceasingly: follow me (phronésis), estimate me (edge) and love me (eunoia) » (Barthes 1985 : 125-126). They are these three qualities of the enonciator or the speaker who underlie and build the image that its listeners or Co-énonciataires are made of him. This image of oneself was, many time, confused with the real image of the speaker^36(*). It is rather about the image of oneself such as it is constituted by and through the speech. Indeed, we agree, with Domenica Maingueneau, that « the ethos is spread on the register of « shown » and possibly, on that of « known as » ». And that its effectiveness is to be sought in the fact « that it wraps to some extent the statement without being clarified in the stating » (Maingueneau 1999 : 77). In this same impetus, Ruth Amossy will support that « (...) it N `is not necessary that the speaker traces his portrait, details its qualities, nor even as it speaks explicitly about him. » Indeed, continues Amossy, sound « style, its linguistic and encyclopedic competences, its implicit beliefs are enough to give a representation of its person » (Amossy 1999 : 9).

In clearer manner, Oswald Ducrot precise :

It is not a question of the flattering assertions that the speaker can make on his own person in the contents of his speech, assertion which risks contrary to running up against the audience, but appearance which confer to him the flow, intonation, cordial or severe, the choice of the words, the arguments... (Ducrot 1984 : 201)

This historical and conceptual lighting of the concept of ethos, enables us to specify the methodological orientation of our research. It is not a question for us, here, of saying, how is the Prime Minister. We simply propose to see which image of him reflects its speech at the time of the Declaration of general policy.

1. « PHRONESIS »

Aristote (Rhetoric I, 1366 has 20) considers that the phronésis (reason practices) is a good intellectual provision which makes able to deliberate well on the goods and the evils [...] for happiness. This good practical provision returns to the good direction of the step and thus of its coherence and its relevance. We will thus study the phronésis under the angle of the method and the step adopted by the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck.

In his Declaration of general policy, the Prime Minister shows a methodical mind, as much in the manner of managing the businesses of the City, that in the manner of declining his program. We thus have there a double method as well in the remarks in the actions.

The method in the remarks returns to the organization and the clearness of the speech. It is an at the same time traditional and innovative method which makes it possible the audience to impregnate speech well that one is useful to him.

The method is traditional in the sense that the Declaration of general policy obeys the great principles rhetorics. Indeed, it comprises an introduction or exorde, a development and a conclusion.

In the exorde, the Prime Minister justifies initially his face-to-face discussion with the deputies :

The People, sovereign in his decisions, assigned you the mission of being the honoured medium by which I present to him humbly, today, my roadmap having to lead to the effective assumption of responsibility of its waitings, thus giving body to the policy of the nation defined by the president of the Republic. (Seck 2003 : 5)

Consequently, the Prime Minister made of the Declaration of general policy, one of strong times of the democracy, in the sense that it is the moment of a meeting with the People of which he is the servant. But following this general evocation, the Prime Minister contextualize his Declaration of general policy. With this intention, it registers it like the logical continuation of the actions which it always led to the profit of the Senegalese people. It is thus one « new mission » (Seck 2003 : 5) which comes following a preceding mission consisting in making reach its party the capacity.

A new all the more difficult mission as it intervenes following « recent tests » (op.cit. : 5) of which most current is consisted the shipwreck of the boat Joola. The Prime Minister takes the care to proceed to an eulogistic presentation of the assessment, mid- course, Alternation, before tackling the question of the shipwreck of the boat Joola. This dash of happiness of the beginnings of Alternation, temporarily stopped by the drama of the shipwreck, makes it possible to the Prime Minister to give to his keynote speech contours of a resumption in hand of the difficult situation that it found on the spot: « Beyond the tests, It will be necessary for us to be strong to take again our walk » (Seck 2003 : 5).

Following the exorde, the Prime Minister declines his program. A variation which will be centered around ten principal points : « rural world » (Seck 2003 : 10-14), it « education » (Seck 2003 : 14-16), it « health » (Seck 2003 : 16-17), it « employment » (Seck 2003 : 17-19), it « electricity » (Seck 2003 : 21-22), them « young people » (Seck 2003 : 22-23), the women (Seck 2003 : 23), them « old » (Seck 2003 : 23-24), it « safety » (Seck 2003 : 24-26) and it « decentralization » (Seck 2003 : 27).

The Prime Minister closes his speech by a bet on the man who requires a greater several liability and collective.

In addition to its traditional side, the Declaration of general policy innovates in more than one way. Indeed, the Prime Minister refuses to conform to the tradition:

In the place of the traditional formulas which give us rates and indices, I will have recourse to works of art like paradigm of presentation of the program of my Government. (Seck 2003 : 9) 

This preference for the image, to the detriment them figures, could return to a will to approach its audience, by emotional dimension and symbolic system of the image, opposed to the often abstract character of the figures. From where the recourse to visual aids using images and of charts projected on screens placed at the four corners of the hemicycle. This way, the Prime Minister confers on his Declaration a didactic and teaching dimension. This didactic and teaching concern being based on the symbol of the image more shapes with the use of two allegorical characters drawn from the artistic and social medium Senegalese, Goor and Ndioublang, which symbolize, the first, the axis of the good, the second, the axis of the evil.

2.  « EDGE » OR THE IMAGE OF THE VIRTUOUS MAN

We will study the manifestation of the edge in the Declaration of general policy of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck with the ell of the one of its principal significances : the virtue. It will be a question of seeing how, starting from the statement, the image of a virtuous man is profiled. The virtuous character of the speaker takes support on the speech itself, through the choice of the words, of the assertions and bases of the argumentation. But the virtuous character is not limited only to the words and arguments. It integrates also their mode of variation into knowing, the posture of the body, the flow, the intonation and the gestural one.

By image of oneself, as specified higher, we hear less the real image of the speaker than that which shows through in and during its speech. Moreover, it is not a question of the passages where the speaker would be defined directly, but rather impression which it releases starting from his practice, standpoint and attitude at the time of his speech. Thus, it is a question of seeing in what the discursive contents and its mode of variation project a virtuous image of the speaker. It is thus a virtue projected in direction of the audience. In its Declaration of general policy, a certain number of representations, actions and assertions take part to confer to the Prime Minister a virtuous image through an attempt of incarnation and posting of values supposed to raise of the virtue like the faith, the direction of justice, humility and sincerity, inter alia.

2.1 The man of faith

In his Declaration of general policy, the Prime Minister projects the ethos of a man of faith, deeply believing. The image of the man of faith appears as of the second sentence of its speech: « Mr. President of the French National Assembly, Honourable deputies, our Constitution, as of his article first, invites the people to go towards his Goal, and with Foi » (Seck 2003 : 5). This ethos of the man of faith is all the more important as its audience, namely the Senegalese people, is composed, with more than 95 %, of believing, Moslem and Christian confused. A reality of which the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck seems fully conscious. Indeed, while recalling, in spite laic nature of the Senegalese political régime, the presence of the term « faith » in the fundamental law of Senegal, it justifies, of the kind, the possible importance of the faith in its speech and its acts. Better, the constitutional text, which is used to him as means of legitimation, will be, compensates as the speech spreads, by another text, monk this time, Coran. Thus on several occasions, the Prime Minister calls upon the basic text of the Islamic religion to support or legitimate his remarks. He is thus when he calls upon the whole of the members of the company for the development of Senegal:

(...) wisdom teaches us that the realization of the great intentions requires the mobilization of all the forces, beyond those which hold the command; and the Writing recalls it to us in these terms: «You will become exhausted yourself, and you will exhaust these people which are with you; because the thing is above your only forces, you could not only be enough there. (Seck 2003 : 8) 

The invocation of Koranic verses is not used only of ornaments or simply plated quotations. The Prime Minister appears as an individual who would like that the faith and the lesson of God are the base of all its actions as it supports it besides in a very obvious way :

It is thus to conform me to this invites divine that I will call some with a division right, balanced, and relevant of the loads related to our governmental mission. (Seck 2003 : 8)

The Prime Minister seems so convinced of the importance of the faith that it is not satisfied to make of them the discussion thread of his actions and matter. He goes until postulating a collective behavior in conformity with the divine lesson which would be the condition sine what nun of the development of the country:

It is thus for the good of this new Senegal that I wish, Mr. President, Honorables Deputies, to meditate with you and the Senegalese People this word: «I do not modify the state of people without this one not changing what is in itself^37(*). (Seck 2003 : 28) 

The faith of the Prime Minister also shows through through the thanks and the requests for assistance addressed to God for success obtained or discounted. By doing this, it returns the image of a conscious man believing that its only competence could not guarantee to him the success in the actions undertaken. A success which is completely dependant on the divine will:

I covet of God a bright victory in this new mission, with the image of that of which it gratifié me at the time of the first. (Seck 2003 : 5) 

By this attitude, the Prime Minister conforms to the proverb which would like that « the man proposes and God lays out ». Because believing it considers that the true power is divine. Consequently, the will for power, at the man, is anything else only one intention of power which should be validated or invalidated by God. It is all besides the direction of the last sentence of the Declaration of general policy of the Prime Minister :

Lastly, I will accompany, by my intention, in the night and the loneliness of his proximity with God, the pure man who requests for Senegal of peace, success and prosperity. (Seck 2003 : 28)

The Declaration of general policy is, essentially, pragmatic and performatif because supposed to take stock of the actions undertaken and to outline the achievements to come. By enclosing it by « the intention of an intention »^38(*), the Prime Minister reaffirms, of the kind, his anchoring in the middle of the faith and the religion. A faith and a religion which make that the man, even invested capacities, rely on a supreme authority : God. And it is all the direction of the granted place, at the end, with the prayer and what conditions its practice, namely the purity^39(*).

The faith appears, ultimately, like the base of the ethos of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck. A base which requires, to be valid, observation of certain rules and adoption of certain attitudes which, without them, are likely to make null and void this posted faith. Among these rules and attitudes, we have, inter alia, justice and humility.

2.2 The Juste

The image of the man right shows through on several occasions in the Declaration of general policy of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck. A justice which takes at the same time economic and social contours.

The symbol of justice is the balance, which refers to balance and equity. Two concerns strongly represented in the speech of the Prime Minister. The direction of balance appears through the preached shared responsabilities between the holders for « command » (Seck 2003 : 8) and other fringes of the company. This decisional balance takes again the requirement of a management concerted as enacted in democracy and to which the Prime Minister wants to conform:

(...) I will call some with a division right, balanced, and relevant of the loads related to our governmental mission. One will need a mobilization of all the segments of our company to increase our chances of success. (Seck 2003 : 8) 

Balance is transformed quickly into equity. A social equity which orders with the decision makers to take care of the interests of all, by guaranteeing the weakest rights of each one while protecting :

It (the program of the Government) aims offering to the adult the optimal framework of blossoming of its talents, and at organizing for the Old one, a honourable old age, by means of a viable system of retirement. (Seck 2003 : 9)

Justice exceeds the framework of social equity to include the solidarity which recommends, not only the protection of weakest, but also the help and the assistance with stripped. This is why the program of the Government «also aims, if necessary, at lending to all, the heat cover of our national solidarity» (op.cit. : 9).

But justice is not solely of order economic. It borrows also contours of coercion by the repression and the sanction of the faulty ones. From where multiplication of acts threatening in its speech like demonstration of a rigor without faults in its search of justice. An implementation of the justice which raises the paces of a duality between the Good and the Evil by which are encouraged the authors of good deeds while those guilty of prohibited practices will be punished :

Beyond the laughter which this evocation starts, each one among us will have to choose in any responsibility its identity, because I am decided to help Goor and to fight Ndioublang. (Seck 2003 : 10)

In this crusade against the evil, equity wants to be full and whole. Thus the Prime Minister commits himself putting everyone on the same equal footing compared to justice. Because, it supports, « that Ndioublang is a high-ranking dignitary of the State or a retailer of pirated cassette, it will be fought ». In the same way, in connection with the audits^40(*), it is committed making so that they are held under conditions which do not suffer from any handling :

I make a point, however, of solemnly saying, without being able to reveal secrecies of instruction, that the political affiliation did not withdraw and nobody will withdraw from the rigors of the Law. (op.cit. : 10)

Conscious that the accuracy of the decisions, with it only, could not make them operational, the Prime Minister posts his firm will to implement a certain number of practices which make it possible justice to be effective. From where the invocation of the concepts of « transparency », of « responsibility » and of « good governorship » (op.cit. : 10), which requires the application of bold measures to the image of the «active policy of fight against the corruption ». A will to fight against the corruption which is not limited to a profession of faith but which gives itself the means of its operationnality :

For that, I attach greattest importance to implementation a rigorous of the new Code des Marches Publics. This code expects that the principle as regards market is the invitation to tender, i.e. the transparency and the equal opportunity of all the candidates. I intend to make so that from now on the greatest part of the public markets passed on these bases. The markets private must become the exception limited to the only cases aimed in the code. It moreover is envisaged, in the next weeks, the adoption of a lawful text instituting the Council of the good governorship and fight against the corruption. (Seck 2003 : 10)

The symbol of the balance, which refers to justice, also appears through the distribution even of justice. This one wanting to be upstream and downstream from the company. Thus we have the manifestation of justice like means of attenuation of a drama, as it is the case compared to the management of the tragedy related to the shipwreck of the boat Joola :

The nature and the complexity of the task impose vigilance and rigor to us so that no injustice comes to weigh down the emotional load of this painful collective tragedy. (Seck 2003 : 6)

In the same way, we have an idea of justice like mode of definition of the good way, through an approach moralisatrice and educational :

The best tool for fight against poverty remains the access to a decent income. I know only three access roads, with the income: one which anoblit: work, one which fixes: assistance, one which degrades: flight. (Seck 2003 : 18)

In the Declaration of general policy, the ethos of man right, posted by the Prime Minister, is packed by the fact that the elements approached under the angle of justice relate to questions of principle which cause naturally consensus, not easily contestable to the risk of being made marginalize, even discredit, for that which would try it. The ethos of the man right is all the more acceptable as that which sets up as a dispenser of justice refuses to pass for an authoritative being, which would misuse its capacities. Thus spreads, through the speech, the image of a modest and humble individual who does not let himself carry by the volutes of the capacity.

2.3 The humble man

The direction of the humility on behalf of the Prime Minister is incarnated through two axes : recognition of the merit of others and what one could call the low profile of the speaker.

The Prime Minister, in his speech, endeavors to recognize and accept the merit of the others. This recognition of the merit of the other is in conformity with the ethos of man of faith virtuous and right which it prolongs and amplifies. To recognize the intrinsic merit of the other, or to accept that others played, play or will play an important part in our own success, it is, to a certain extent, to reduce our personal merit. Thus the Prime Minister thanks God for having helped it to make a success of his missions. Better, he calls upon his help to guarantee the success of his various actions :

I covet of God a bright victory in this new mission, with the image of that of which it gratifié me at the time of the first. (Seck 2003 : 5)

By asking for the support of God, for the success in the republican actions, therefore laic essentially, that it undertakes, the Prime Minister takes the risk to post the image of a fatalistic and irrational man who would not be sure relevance of his step. However, the dominating dimension of the religious fact in the company sénégalaise transforms this possible negative interpretation to support a positive reading of it. Indeed, the laic character of the Republic of Senegal badly hides the strength of the religious fact and the beliefs which go with, in particular the need for the divine blessing for the good achievement of any action.

After having recognized and having requested the divine implication for the success as of the his actions, the Prime Minister makes some in the same way for others, to start with the institution which receives its Declaration of general policy, the French National Assembly,  with which it recognizes any sound deserves and its standing:

The People, sovereign in his decisions, assigned you the mission of being the honoured medium by which I present to him humbly, today, my roadmap. (Seck 2003 : 5)

But this respect for the parliamentary institution all the more expresses a direction of the humility on behalf of the chief of the government, which it rises from a will of total tender of the Prime Minister to the sovereignty of the People, true holder of the capacity, that the members of Parliament are supposed to represent :

(Seck 2003 : 10)

In the same way, its Senegalese fellow-citizens, all confused categories, profit from its recognition. It is the case for the teachers it recognizes the merit compared to the nation, in general, and compared to itself, in particular:

Being like many others produces it teachers who, today still, remain my Masters in what I continue to inspire to me their lessons, I am particularly sensitive to the fate of those which have between their hands the future of million Senegalese. (Seck 2003 : 24)

Beyond the simple recognition of the merit of others in the success of its actions, the direction of humility justifies the call to the assistance which the Prime Minister addresses to his fellow-citizens, because it is conscious that « one will need a mobilization of all the segments of our company to increase our chances of success ». Also, even the commun run of Senegalese, represented symbolically by the character « Goorgoorlu », it is requested :

Goorgoorlu will be able to help me in the popularization of this new policy, and to say to his/her country uncle who it is difficult to work over three months to hope to have incomes on twelve. (Seck 2003 : 13)

Humility, it is also the opening to others ; the instructive exchange with the others for a greater success. From where the concern of the Prime Minister of prolonging his participative step, initiated before its Declaration of general policy, while placing itself at the disposal of the other dismemberments of the company because its « carry will be to them (...) always open » with, with the program, of the meetings for « to discuss, learn and inform » (Seck 2003 : 8).

But humility is not solely of a verbal nature. It is a also verbal and nonverbal para. On verbal the para plan, the Declaration of general policy was done on a calm tone, posed, with a slow flow as a whole.

On the nonverbal level, the concern of appearing humble is dealt with by the posture of the Prime Minister. Indeed, throughout his speech, the Chief of the Government kept a posture marking humility. It is the slightly curved back, the hands leant with the table, in front of him, which it pronounced its speech. As if he wanted « to discipline » its gestural. This one, quasi-minimalist, being satisfied to accompany the vocatives, addresses and interpellations of its audience by glances distributed sometimes on its left, sometimes on its right-hand side.

In the same way, a preoccupation with a humility can be read through the place chosen by the Prime Minister to face his audience and to pronounce its Declaration of general policy. Indeed, it chose to remain in the place reserved to the members of the Government whereas the tradition wants that the Chief of the Government moves to the platform facing in the majority of the deputies. This position would have been more favourable besides, not only with the exchanges with the elected officials of the People, but also with the People himself. Indeed, this position would have allowed a greater visibility of the speaker insofar as the visiting room is emphasized by its light withdrawal of the remainder of the hemicycle, his central character and its position raised compared to the remainder of the hemicycle. All things which would have, moreover, supported the catches of sight of the takers of sight of national television, and thus improved the image received by the televiewers. While declining the high position of the visiting room, the Chief of the Government adopts, the kind, a low posture^41(*), as a sign of simplicity and modesty. A simplicity and a modernity relayed by the feeling of sincerity conveyed.

2.4 The sincere man

The ethos of sincerity is spread in the speech of general policy of the Prime Minister through a diagnosis without kindness of reality, and the formulation of measurements, not always popular, but likely to improve the situation. Thus, in the field of the budgetary distribution, the Prime Minister expresses, without turnings, his dissatisfaction compared to the way in which the important sum allocated with education is spent, without to give convincing results :

The moment perhaps had just leant seriously on the way of spending this money in relation to the aims in view because, for the time being, the output of the investment authorized by the Nation is very in on this side results observed. (Seck 2003 : 15)

By doing this, the Prime Minister is conscious that it is caught some with a sector more sensitive. Indeed, Education is the sector from which leave the majority the social movements. Consequently, to call into question the budget which is allocated to him or to dispute the relevance of its results would not fail to displease with its members which are, at the same time, represented very well within the French National Assembly^42(*).

But this sincerity functions less like one reproach, than an interpellation of the various components of the company, in order to create the conditions of a questioning and a start, adequate to lead the country in the way of the durable development. Sincerity, here, is initially of a deliberative and nonlegal nature. It is not put at the service of an indictment against certain components of the company. It allows, on the contrary, on the basis of diagnosis, to start the dialog to define, together, the best way for the Nation. This purely utility dimension, and not polemist of sincerity, are returned by the choice of the personal pronouns in the expression of this sincerity. Indeed, in the majority of the passages where sincerity is spread through a nonobliging diagnosis, they is us inclusive who is used as it is the case for the question of urban mobility :

The resolution of the problem of urban mobility implies sacrifices which we must accept. They are in particular expropriations to be made for the enlarging of roads, with, of course, the compensation for expropriés, in accordance with the laws and payments in force. (Seck 2003 : 21)

It is the same when the Prime Minister describes the difficulties with which is confronted the Senegalese industrial fabric and suitable measurements to take :

We must be ready, as soon as possible, to face a hard competition on our markets, national, sous-régional and international. To ensure our companies the tools of their participation in this competition, it is all our economic system which requires to be levelled. (Seck 2003 : 18)

This glittering table few components of the economy sénégalaise challenges all the actors, as well the public sector as the private contractors. Each one having a role to play. Thus, the State is ready to resort to « privatization » of the rail network, « handicapped by the outdatedness of the ways and the travelling material who authorizes only extremely low block speeds " (Seck 2003 : 20), in order to support the economic activity of the companies sénégalaises. In the same way, the Government « chose, on a continent scale like on our premises, to make private sector the principal engine of the growth and development » (Seck 2003 : 19). However, the engagement of the State would not know alone to be enough. It is essential that the private sector plays its partition fully. Thus, according to the Prime Minister, « the companies themselves will have to be levelled to benefit from these efforts » (Seck 2003 : 19)

Sincerity becomes even a mode of management of the businesses of the City ; a rallying cry around of which everyone will have to be found. From where its form of stating which is not without pointing out the turning of the slogan : « Let us make another thing for our children » (Seck 2003 : 15) or : « It is necessary for us to support what goes and to optimize the expenditure which we carry out » (Seck 2003 : 15).

Beyond its dimension « utility », sincerity proves as a requirement D `order ethical which forces the speaker to recognize his limits while refusing to pledge that under no circumstances would it hold. This is why, although conscious of the need of « (...) to guarantee, with each Sénégalaise and each Senegalese who, by the grace of God, reached the shrinkage limit age, the access to the incomes preserved for him throughout its active life » (Seck 2003 : 24), the Prime Minister acknowledges his impotence, in the current state of the things, to ensure this right :

Today, I am not in measurement to ensure it, because of rise of the life expectancy and the fall of the number of the cotisants. (Seck 2003 : 24)

This way, the Prime Minister gives the indication of a man in rupture with the traditional representation in progress in connection with the policies. Those, within the public opinion, are perceived as being prompt to make promises without never respecting them. By there, the ethos of the sincere man takes part to found the singular image of a man who belongs to the political community all while being detached some from his intrinsic qualities. Such sign that sincerity ends up taking the vehement forms of reproaches and criticisms of some practice social. Indeed, the Prime Minister is astonished to note that in spite of the technological and social projections which made that the Man « transformed the impetuous wind in electricity, faced the airs by its planes, explored space by satellites and rockets », « certain apparently simple things still remain with the state of building site » :

I want to speak about this driver who burns the fire of Soumbédioune, this Mister which, at the bank, refuses to make the tail, of this agent of company or the State which wants monnayer illegally its service. (Seck 2003 : 28)

While showing reason practical, by the clearness and the coherence of the respectful speech of the forms and innovating by a didactic and teaching concern marked ; posted the attributes of a virtuous man, through the faith, justice, humility, sincerity, the Prime Minister shows his attachment with his audience by posting all its benevolence.

3.  « EUNOIA » OR BENEVOLENCE

The eunoia, it is the benevolence, the attitude by which the speaker is ready to be made like from his audience.

It is what new rhetoric and the pragmatic modern one indicate under the concept of taking into account of the audience. Because the simple presentation of the image of oneself, if beautiful is it, could not be enough to hang its audience. Indeed, the promotion of the image of oneself can enter in conflict with the values of the speaker or carry damage to his image. According to Erving Goffman, (Goffman 1973 II), one of the pioneer in this field of research, the ordinary relation is conditioned by the consideration and the work of the faces of the interlocutors (it is it face work). Each one will have to make respect its face and its territory, while sparing the face and the territory of its interlocutor.

These «courtesies» underlie identity and relational stakes. Goffman distinguishes two concepts : concept of face, i.e. the image developed of oneself and to make respect, and concept of territory, corresponding to the goods, space and the secret garden. Prolonging work of Goffman, Brown and Levinson (1987), will speak about «positive face», which are the image of oneself brought up to date and developed on the scene, and about negative face, corresponding to the territory, at Goffman, and which refers to the private sphere, with the secret garden. They will make concept of face the central rule within the framework of the management of the interpersonal relations, by extending it in particular to the concept of courtesy. As such, the concept of face is indissociable of a procedure consisted the commonly called acts of language FTA (Face Threatening Act)^43(*).

The benevolence consists in showing, towards its audience, of solidarity and the kindness. We will study the demonstration of these two provisions through the concept of courtesy and the image of servant of the people which the speech projects.

3.1 The servant of the people

The Prime Minister, as a convinced liberal, could not be unaware of fears which its accession in Primature could cause within important fringes of the company. Indeed, in the collective representations, liberalism returns to a purely economic logic which would forsake social dimension. Also, the Chief of the Government takes it the care to specify contours of his political action :

The program of my Government is centered on the Man, on the Senegalese. It is our only concern, our only center of interest. We want to be interested in lived daily of the Senegalese rather than in the fluctuations of such or such curve. (Seck 2003 : 28)

It wants to be the servant of the people, that whose finality of the action would be to put itself at the service of all the segments of the company by improving their conditions of existence. For as much, it does not disavow its liberal convictions. Because for him, to put itself at the service of the people does not mean to ensure a social assistance which would have the paces of alms. On the contrary, it assumes the ideological dimension of its liberal convictions which require, not a simple policy of assistance, but the creation of conditions favorable to the blooming of each member of the company :

It [the program of the Government] aims, by the nutrition, health, the education and a healthy practice of the sport, to give to our children the tools which they need to face the life. It aims offering to the adult the optimal framework of blossoming of its talents, and at organizing for the Old one, a honourable old age, by means of a viable system of retirement. (Seck 2003 : 9)

It is thus there about a liberalism « with human face »^44(*) which does not exclude the assistance the most stripped with. Indeed, it « love » (Seck 2003 : 8) that it dedicates to the Senegalese people goes « beyond » of « differences of vision or ideology ». Thus its program « (...) also aim, if necessary, at lending to all, the heat cover of our national solidarity » (Seck 2003 : 9). Because its vocation, ultimately, is to put the majority of Senegalese under acceptable conditions. Also, the Prime Minister supports : « My ambition and my duty are, to modify the aspect of this chart, while answering the social request » (Seck 2003 : 8).

Like confirming the social dimension of its liberalism, measurements practice are announced, active in the direction to relieve the social layers most underprivileged. Thus the Prime Minister commits himself facilitating the access of all to the whole of the basic social services. In health :

The availability of drugs of quality, accessible financially, will be encouraged by promotion of the generic drugs in the public sector as in the private sector; generic counters will be functional as from this year. (Seck 2003 : 16)

Better, « more stripped citizens will profit soon from a free assumption of responsibility on the level of our medical establishments ». In the same way, the access of old to the medical infrastructures will be « supported by a policy of « preferential rates ».

In the field of education, the Prime Minister recalls that « each year, the State spends 127 billion in education, I.e. 35% of the national budget » and that « this percentage should pass to 40% in 2005 » (Seck 2003 : 15).

Being the access to water,

important programmes of realization of water points are in the course of execution through all the country. These programs firstly aim the equipment of all the chief towns of rural communities of motorized drillings. (Seck 2003 : 12)

To the measurements taken in the field of the basic social services comes to be added the massive recruitment of professionals in load of the good walk of these sectors :

I like it to announce a special programme of recruitment in the administration, and mainly in the strategic sectors of education, health, safety, justice and the financial controls. During the time 2003-2005, we will recruit doctors, male nurses, midwives, teachers, firemen, police officers, gendarmes, customs officers, inspectors, controllers and agents of the treasure and taxes, magistrates and personnel of Clerc's Office. (Seck 2003 : 18)

And like showing the serious one and the credibility of this promise, which could not be comparable for a purpose of advertisement, the Prime Minister recalls that these new recruitments come to supplement them « 11.563 recruitments in the Public office (...) which the State proceeded between 2000 and 2002 » (Seck 2003 : 18).

But to be with the service of the people could not be limited to intentions. That requires an availability of the resources which passes by a good management of the existing sums of money. Also, the Chief of the Government insists it on the good management of the finance public, on behalf of the mode of the Alternation, and which justifies the catch of suitable measurements for the various segments of the company. A good all the more manifest management as the Government could be allowed not to use, in 2002, them « 10,5 billion FCFA » coming from « counterpart of the agreement of fishing signed with the European Union has » (Seck 2003 : 14).

From where of the expression «Thanks to the good behavior of our finance public and with the quality of the support of our partners, thus giving body to the will of the president of the Republic, it I like the recurrence to announce (...) » devoting this management « effective » and introducing the proposal for several measures intended to improve lived of Senegalese in various fields.

Thus in agriculture, the Prime Minister announces :

Thanks to good behavior of our public finance and with quality of support of our partners, giving thus body to will of president of Republic, it likes me to announce with Makhtar, with Goor and with Samba Gaye (country of Tambacounda I read the poignant laments in the press), that starting from tomorrow, Tuesday, all the peasants holders of goods, and previously listed by the governors, will be able to go provided near them, with their titles, to be paid. (Seck 2003 : 11)

In the development at the base, the Prime Minister who would like « that all the local communities are in building site », a policy of support to the local communities announces :

Thanks to the good behavior of our finance public and with the quality of the support of our partners, I like it to announce, giving body to the vision of the president of the Republic, that the State will place at the disposal of the local communities counterpart funds of 4 billion allowing to implement a policy of investment of 40 billion on all the extent the territory thanks to the financing of our partners the development and ONG. (Seck 2003 : 27)

The good behavior of the finance public also makes it possible to the Prime Minister to announce the next compensation for the victims of the shipwreck of the boat Joola :

Thanks to the good behavior of our finance public and with the quality of the support of our partners, I like it to announce that, thus giving body to the will of the president of the Republic, I' State is today ready to carry out the payment of the allowances. (Seck 2003 : 7)

Moreover, it makes possible the replacement of the boat shipwrecked man bus « the money is available, the ready technical dossier, twenty already seized brokers and the selected shipper » (Seck 2003 : 7).

But to want to serve the people could not say to have the exclusiveness in the interventions and the actions. The preoccupation with an effectiveness makes necessary « a division right, balanced, and relevant of the loads ». As, the Prime Minister is it conscious as it « a mobilization of all the segments of our company will be necessary to increase » them « chances of success ». From where the concern of the Chief of the Government of implying the local decision makers in the development of Senegal :

In a decentralized approach and of proximity, I retained to share the heavy load which is entrusted to me with 11 presidents de regional Conseils, the 4 mayors of city of the area of Dakar, the 43 mayors of district of the area of Dakar, the 63 mayors of the communes of the interior of the country, the 320 presidents of rural community. (Seck 2003 : 27)

The will to serve the people goes well beyond the average materials and financial available. It seems to take the forms of a vocation. Thus the Chief of the Government is not only satisfied to propose concrete and realizable actions at the time of his speech. He will be further while being to the sides of the citizens and actively implying himself in the various activities that they carry out :

That the peasant knows that I will be with him in the fields, I will accompany the student in the corridors by his establishment and the housewife in front of the stalls of the markets. That that which is sick knows that I seek the means to facilitate his cure. (Seck 2003 : 28)

And where the concrete action is not possible, the Prime Minister, as a man of faith, does not lower the arms. He proposes his intention^45(*) and his prayers :

(...) I will accompany, by my intention, in the night and the loneliness of his proximity with God, the pure man who requests for Senegal of peace, success and prosperity. (Seck 2003 : 28)

3.2 Courtesy

The courtesy makes possible the mutual safeguarding of the faces threatened by the majority of the acts of language. The concept of courtesy of which it is a question here goes beyond the traditional formulas. It takes into account the whole of the components of the speech controls by rules, and which have as a function to make possible the harmonious character of the relation interpersonal. In the political speech, mainly characterized by logics of domination, the concept of courtesy takes all its place, in what it takes part to create the conditions of a harmonious exchange, while playing in particular on the face of the audience. By there, the courtesy takes part of the tempting aiming, in what it puts the addressee in a provision more favorable compared to the transmitted message.

We distinguish two forms from courtesy : positive courtesy and negative courtesy.

3.2.1 Positive courtesy :

The positive courtesy is of nature productionnist: it consists in carrying out an act of developing language: gift or compliment, mark of agreement, invitation etc Raise of the positive courtesy the acts which are intrinsically developing. The positive courtesy primarily takes support on F. It is mainly made up of the acts of courtesy.

3.2.1.1 Marks of courtesy

In the Declaration of general policy of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck, the marks of courtesy are made up, inter alia, by the honorary ones, thanks, demonstrations of agreement, compliments, invitations etc

ü The honorary ones :

The honorary ones are « grammaticalized forms » of respect. They take part to develop the positive face of the addressees by referring to their row. They are very present in the Declaration of general policy in the sense that that- Ci is an exchange between the Executive and the Legislature. Consequently, it is of good tone that in its speech, the PM expresses all the importance of the representatives of the people. Moreover, it in is devoted, by the rules of use, to leave discursive marks of the addressees. In his Declaration of general policy, the recipient first of the message, namely the deputies, are named 31 times. With 29 recoveries, their row is magnifié by the qualifier « honourable ». This qualifier takes part to raise the row of the elected officials of the people by developing their positive face.

ü Compliments :

In prolongation of the honorary marks, the compliments take part to develop the face of the direct or indirect recipients. Being the direct recipients (deputies), we have the nominal group « honoured medium » which is coupled for them ; for the indirect recipients, we have all the terms which tend to highlight the importance of their statute, to stress their statute in order to flatter their ego. It is initially the people as an abstract and total entity which will be glorifié by the use of the adjective « Sovereign », used to indicate it. Then, almost each segment of the people will receive, on behalf of the Prime Minister, his amount of compliment.

Speaking about the men of culture, the Prime Minister will make these remarks :

I greet by this skew the creativity of our men and society women of arts and the culture. Their contribution to the development as much as with the radiation of our country deserves our respect. I will quote among so many others Moussa Absa Senna, Alphonse Mendy says T.T. Fons and Moussa Mboup....By means of their genius and of their solid anchoring in our traditions and culture, they carved us two compatriots that all the Senegaleses know. (Seck 2003 : 5)

Handicapped people, he will say to us that « priceless treasures are hidden » near them. The compliment will be raised by the evocation of legendary figures whose handicap did not know to slow down the genius or combativeness : Soundiata Kéita and Beethoven.

Soldiers also will be entitled to a wink :

Allow me to again say my pride and my recognition to the thousand of soldiers and forty officers engaged at present between the Republic of Congo and the Republic sister of ivory Coast in the line tradition of the 59 missions of maintenance of the peaces led by our forces armed in 28 countries.... These distant compatriots who left the heart to the house without never neglecting to return visit regularly and to share the benefits collected elsewhere. (Seck 2003 : 26)

The Head of the State, as for him is often is named maybe by eulogistic periphrases:

that which, in turn object of criticism and subject of fascination, test after test, failure after failure, stake after stake, awaited, with endurance, without never losing enthusiasm, the advent of the change, March 19, 2000. (Seck 2003 : 5),

maybe by his report/ratio with its achievements or project : « The construction schedule of young spaces, expensive with the President of the Republic »

ü Thanks

The thanks are present in the Declaration of general policy of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck. They obey rules of uses and are located at starts speech and :

In happiness and be thanked. My congratulations and thanks are also addressed to those which preceded me in this function. (Seck 2003 : 5)

and with its fence, by the usual formula : « I thank you » (Newspaper of the debates, op.cit. : 28)

ü The invitation

The invitation takes part of this positive courtesy which makes it possible that which proposes it, to develop that that it invites.

Addressing to the members of the civil company, the Prime Minister explains :

It is a question of giving them the direct access to my Government. My door will be thus always open for them for the exchange and information. I hope on them all to establish a strong and bidirectional bond between the Government and the populations. (Seck 2003 : 9)

With the members of the families of the victims of the boat Joola :

Surrounded of the Ministers in charge with Justice, the Interior, Finances and National Solidarity, I will invite the representatives of the families of the victims to an exchange on the compensation. (Seck 2003 : 7)

In the same way, speaking to the deputies about the figures enough alarming about education, the Prime Minister say : « I thus invite you to a dialog, in order to find, together, the means of reversing these figures » (Seck 2003 : 5).

ü Demonstrations of agreement

In accordance with its participative step and in order to put at ease its interlocutors with the aim of support the agreement even complicity, the Prime Minister lets show through of marks of agreement between him and its interlocutors. Thus, speaking about the program of the program which it proposes, the PM declares :

The program around of which must organize this mobilization and this communication is yours as much that that of the Government. (Seck 2003 : 9)

And in connection with the social request :

I know, Honorables deputies, that you will take care with us to amplify, by his optimal allowance, the satisfaction of the social request. (Seck 2003 : 14)

The demonstrations dd `agreement make it possible to imply the interlocutor, it responsabiliser and to make more delicate the demonstration of a dissension on a subject whose consensus is asserted.

But beside the positive courtesy, another form of courtesy known as negative remains.

3.2.2 Negative courtesy

The negative courtesy is of nature abstentionnist or compensatory: it consists in avoiding producing a FTA, or softening the realization of it.

Knowing perfectly that their pain cannot be repaired by financial means, the entire Government nevertheless was mobilized so that the exhaustive list of the victims is drawn up and that are identified the heirs to missing by the establishment from judgments from heredity, so that their is given what the law grants to them as regards compensation, beyond the acts from solidarity from every moment. (Seck 2003 : 6)

In this example, the negative courtesy is compensatory. Indeed, the FTAS is consisted the promise of compensation which seems the only alternative offered to the parents of the victims of the boat Joola in a company or the human life is crowned and does not have price. The pronominal group « knowing perfectly that their pain cannot be repaired by financial means » allows to soften the FTAS while preventing on its interpretation.

It is the same process which is used in the example below : having projected charts illustrating the situation of poverty in Senegal, the PM requires of the deputies to look at the chart. To prevent that this request is not included/understood like an order, it expresses its request in the form of an invitation. The invitation thus becomes the softener of a request paces of injunction : « To be convinced some, I invite you to look at this chart » (Seck 2003 : 6).

Or,

On this total, I am deeply pained to note that only 78 disappeared victims could to date be the subject of a judgment of heredity. I understand that still ravaged by the pain, the endeuillées families did not make these administrative steps a priority... (Seck 2003 : 7)

In the same way, in this passage, after having deplored the delay or the little of will on behalf of the families of the victims of the shipwreck, the Prime Minister attenuates his criticism in their finding extenuating circumstances.

In this other example :

My ambition and my duty are to modify the aspect of this chart, while answering the social request (Seck 2003 : 8),

the posting of its ambition is attenuated by the fact that it remains not only one simple will of its share, but a requirement clarified by the substantive « to have ».

In the same order of idea, the Prime Minister, by implying itself the competence of the members of the government which it chose derogates from the rule of propriety which postulates that the individual does not praise his own merits. This nonrespect of the standard is however attenuated by the implication of the deputies who would have noted themselves this competence :

To face this mission, a particular care was taken to the composition of the Government which I direct. You already had the occasion to appreciate engagement as much as the competence of the ministers who make it up. (Seck 2003 : 8)

This same process is used in connection with the audits. The idea spread within the public opinion was that the Prime Minister controlled the missions of audits directly and used them with fine policies against its possible adversaries. May the Prime Minister discharges on his predecessor who, according to him was the single person in charge for the control of the missions of audits. However, to evacuate any idea of eagerness, it takes the precaution to rent its merit initially :

My predecessor Mame Madior Boye, to which I make a point of paying homage, left me in authority only 2 files of audit requiring of additional information. On the 30 files which had been transferred to him, the former Prime Minister in classified 10, and transmitted 18 to justice. (Seck 2003 : 10)

But beside the simple attenuation, based on nuance or complimentary closes, we have other forms of attenuation, in particular the attenuation by modulation. The modulation is a reduction in the degree of car implication of the speaker in his statement.

According to Robert Vion, it integrates

All processes tending to decrease the share of subjectivity, and thus of risk, that each one can invest in the interaction [...]: the register of the euphemism, the attenuation (...) précautionneux speeches (...) of the indirect acts, preliminaries, justifications, autocorrections, etc (Vion 1992 : 244)

In our corpus, we have examples of attenuations by modulation. Those relate to mainly the recourse to other voices (brought back speech, polyphony) and make it possible to go towards the other, to negotiate this Co-construction of the direction without too much exposing its face or that of others.

Reacting to the drama of the boat Joola, the Prime Minister has of another solution to propose only one council at the same time as a requirement : that to be strong. However, it can appear surprising not to rather intend it to the possible coercive measures to inflict to the culprits. Consequently this call is likely to constitute a car-FTAs threatening its negative face (credibility, to be able of sanction). Also, in order to soften this threatening act, it resorts to another voice which ensures the stating of the act of suspect language.

Then: Cold of North, pluviometric deficit, and Shipwreck of Joola.

This last test most deeply marked us.

I attended the concert of the children of the school franco-sénégalaise Dial Diop, last fifteen December. They sang their pain in these terms :

« It was a white boat.

Who sailed in the wind.

It was called Joola.

Today, it is not there any more.

It y' had our parents.

There were our children.

There were our friends.

The sea took them to us.

When the boat ran,

Everyone cried.

There were too many deaths.

It will be necessary to be strong. »

Yes dear compatriots, it will be necessary to be strong. (Seck 2003 : 6)

The injunction is of as much less suspect than it would come children from which L `innocence excludes any calculation. 

A second example of courtesy by modulation is provided to us by this passage :

If the argument of his/her uncle were the unpaid goods, Goor will be able to be made the echo of the pathetic interpellation that Mamadou Moctar Ndiaye, political leader and companion of combat of the President of the Republic, addressed to me at the time of my listening of the CAPE 21 : « Tranquillize the country, Mister the Prime Minister. Pay the goods of the peasants. Even if we know that these goods do not emanate from the Government ». (Seck 2003 : 11)

That it is positive or negative, the courtesy makes possible the mutual safeguarding of the faces threatened by the majority of the acts of language. It takes part of the management of the faces insofar as it makes it possible to the speaker to reconcile his audience. However, the management of the faces is made complex by the fact that it is not solely consisted the acts of courtesy. It integrates also the threatening acts.

The strategy of management of the faces is based on standards social and communication. As regards the social aspects, it proceeds of a will to spare the face of others in order not to shock its audience. On the communication level, it takes part in the principle of co-operation between agents of the communication.

In a specific way, the strategy of management of the faces implemented here is inseparable from the kind to which this text belongs, namely the political speech. Indeed, in the political speech, the management of the faces is revealing of two principal logics which characterize it with knowing logic of domination and the logic of seduction. The logic of domination justifies the threatening acts while the tempting aiming underlies the elements of courtesy.

CONCLUSION :

We studied the resources of the seduction in the Declaration of general policy of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck by the means of the ethos or discursive image of oneself. Indeed, to allure, it is not to convince nor to persuade, but is rather to be made like. Thus we analyzed the éthos preliminary of Mr Idrissa Seck before his nomination to Primature. This ethos carted, beside its positive aspects, of the negative representations. Consequently, it was important with the Prime Minister lately elected to project, in its speech, an image of oneself which accentuates and reinforces the positive elements all while dissipating some the negative aspects of which most outstanding is that of a sufficient man, in extreme cases of the arrogance. From where, certainly, its will to show, right before its passage to the French National Assembly, her attachment from the point of view of the others, through the participative step which it adopted for the choice of the main trends to give its keynote speech.

In this company of smoothing of its image of which certain parts were far from being of most beautiful within the public opinion, the media in general, the Television of State in particular, played a strategic part through an eulogistic and flattering presentation of the Prime Minister right before his service in front of the deputies.

The ground thus cleared, the Prime Minister endeavoured, in its speech, to project the image of a man in phase with the aspirations and the expectations of the Senegalese people. With this intention, it was évertué, in its speech, to give the attributes of the gifted man of good direction through a speech well structured and methodically declined. Moreover, it tried to incarnate the image of the virtuous man through the values of the faith, justice, sincerity and humility. Lastly, it showed empathy with regard to the public, like reconciling it definitively, by showing its attachment with the only interests of the Senegalese people and while making shows of one courtesy with regard to its audience.

GENERAL CONCLUSION

The Declaration of general policy is a constitutional obligation. It devotes the meeting between the Executive and the Legislature the following which the economic, social and political guidelines, having to govern the walk of the Nation, are proposed, discussed and possibly confirmed. Its range is closely related to the concept of democracy from which it draws its direction. Indeed, it allows the deputies, representatives of the People, to exert a control a priori on the policy of the Government. Besides this democratic character justifies its public nature which makes that any citizen can attend his unfolding.

With the development of New Communication and Information Technologies, the public character of this political event becomes even more increased. Because the citizen does not need more to move to the French National Assembly to be able to follow the debates which have course there. By the magic of the retransmission into direct carried out by the media, each Senegalese is able to follow the political actors to discuss the orientation to give to the life of the Nation.

Consequently, the Declaration of general policy leaves its initial framework which consists of an exchange between the Executive and the Legislature. It becomes, by the means of the mediatization, the mirror, the scene from which the political actors are given to see, to appreciate and if required to like by « citizen-spectator-voter ».

By doing this, it will not simply any more be a question of convincing - because it is difficult to convince an audience which is inevitably not that to which one faces ; an audience which sees us, hears us and that one does nothing but guess ; a composite audience, « laminate » in the varied centers of interest.

Moreover, the new forms of mediatization marked by the primacy of the image and of spectacular in public space, the stakes of capacity inherent in the political sphere and the competition which has course because of democratization there, support a logic of singularisation and distinction of the policy. This one will seek, less and less, to convince but rather to allure.

A seduction which we studied through the ethos which is the projection of L `image of oneself. Seduction by the ethos with consisted, inter alia, by the posting on behalf of the speaker, of an image of oneself ideal, in phase with the values best or recognized like such by the audience. An audience which will be registers in the middle same speech, because being, lastly, the only one parking of performative size of the speech which it has to confirm or cancel by adhesion with the image which is proposed to him or the rejection of this one.

Thus, the Declaration of general policy will be the implementation object strategic for better causing the adhesion of the public. Because like A underlined so well Hilaire Bohui « (...) if there is a field where the concern of the discursive strategy and the search of the effectiveness are the law of the kind, it is well that of the policy » (Bohui 2005 : p. 25).

Thus the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck chose a strategy of seduction by the ethos. This one, without excluding the improvisation and instantaneous the characteristics from the traditional verbal interactions, would not have less supported of it one certain number of actions, attitudes and remarks whose implementation could ensure L `reached required objective. So the company of seduction was not limited to the simple speech held in front of others. It comprised a phase of approach and of « preparation » of oneself, but also of the other, in order to create the conditions supporting a better provision of the target compared to the transmitter.

The Prime Minister built his strategy of seduction on the presentation of an image of oneself (ethos), developing. He started from preliminary sound ethos, such as it was perceived in a general way by the public opinion, to attenuate of them the negative aspects while reinforcing his positive sides.

Thus, in the Declaration of general policy, by the strategy of the seduction, we exceed the purely expressive dimension of the communication to find us into full in the instrumental communication. Because in the political speech :

That which speaks the subject about the speech - becomes, by means of certain linguistic operations, a new object of the world: it is allotted - if not in an explicit way, by connotation- a position and qualities which define its political identity. (Maitland and Wilson, 1987, transl. Duchastel and Armony 1993 : 167)

Thus the enonciator allotted the values considered consensual or dominant of his company : faith, justice, humility, sincerity. Better, it will seek to support the empathy near its addressees in their giving a dominating place in its speech. From where its solidarity, its courtesy and its courtesy.

It is besides, all the direction of sound « resort to works of art like paradigm of presentation » (Seck 2003 : 9) of its program, with in particular the characters of comic strips adapted on television, Goorgoorlu and Ndioublang. Indeed, the Prime Minister is conscious of the importance, for him, to give to his speech one « solid anchoring in our traditions and culture » (Seck 2003 : 10). From where the instrumentalisation as of the these two characters for whom Senegalese « have a great sympathy, because in truth, they are recognized in them » (Seck 2003 : 10).

Confirming, kind, remarks of Gourévitch which noticed extremely by the way that « the best manner of making believe in people than one is addressed to him, it is to return its own image to him » (Gourévitch 1998 : 75).

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* ¹ The corpus on the Declaration of general policy (Seck 2003) is composed of three types of documents  : audio-visual text, audio and. The textual corpus used is that contained in the transcription which in was made by the services of the French National Assembly in 2003 (80 pages). This document, that we will indicate by (YEAR, 2003), includes/understands, inter alia, the questions of the deputies and the answers brought by the Prime Minister.

The audio corpus is consisted the recording carried out by Radio Senegal. The audio-visual corpus as for him, is consisted the video recording of the debate of general policy made by Radio National Television. The elements of analysis drawn from the video corpus will be identified by denomination RTS. Moreover, we exploited the emission in «  preview  » entitled «  Full fires on  » which preceded the Declaration by general policy diffused to the RTS two hours front. The audio-visual corpus enabled us to support our analysis on the device of setting in televisual scene and on the aspects related to the nonverbal communication and para verbal. However, our analysis was seriously handicapped by the impossibility of having copies of this cassette on behalf of national Television. We were satisfied with three meetings of visionnage at a rate of a meeting per weekend considering the length of the document (more than 05 hours), in the buildings of Television.

* ² The practice of the debate would date from the IXIÈME before J.C with in particular the Homeric debates. Always, in Antiquity, we can raise the eristic tournaments and the topics. With the Middle Ages and the Rebirth, the debate is codified under the concept of «  disputatio  ». Nowadays, we have the parliamentary debate, the debate televised etc Concerning the debate, we can raise the analysis of GARCIA, C., «  To argue with the oral examination. Discussion with the debate  », in Practices 28, p. 95-124.

* ³ The third category of institution being the Legal one.

* ⁴ C.f. Chap. II. 1. The institutional framework.

* ⁵ The interventions were distributed proportionally with the political weight of the various entities represented with the Parliament  : Group Parlementaire Liberal and Democratic (majority), Parliamentary Groupe of the Hope, Groupe Parliamentary Democracy- Justice- Solidarity, and independents.

* ⁶ In particular in its article 8.

* ⁷ At the time of independence, Senegal was directed by a single party, the Union Senegalese Progressist (UPS). From 1974, a democratic opening is noted, with the authorization of four political parties on ideological bases (Communism, liberalism, the conservatives and the Socialists. One spoke then about limited multi-party system. In 1983, President Abdou Diouf is at the origin of the integral multi-party system which allowed the free creation of political parties without limitation.

* ⁸ The word is not too strong insofar as in fact parties exist only in a purely administrative way.

* ⁹ If we take example on the CAPE 21, structure gathering forty parties around the majority party and of which less than 10 can prevail itself of specific activities.

* ¹⁰ They are the Socialist Party, the Senegalese Democratic Party, the Alliance of the Forces of Progress, the Union for the Democratic Revival, And Jeff Parti African for the Democracy and Socialism, the Democratic League/Mouvement for Work, the National Gathering for the Democracy, Alliance Jëf-Jël, the Convention of the Democrat and the Patriots, the Party of Independence and work, the Democratic National Gathering.

* ¹¹ Sopi means change in wolof. It is the slogan, the rallying cry of the Senegalese democratic Party then in the opposition in its will to then change the socialist capacity into place and to transform lived of Senegalese. This name will be given, at the end of the Eighties, with the body of press of the PDS. In the same way, the political coalition which left plain to legislative 2001 behind the PDS bears this name.

* ¹² The monopoly of the State on the audio-visual media, on the one hand, and the inequitable treatment of political information by Television constitutes one of the limits of the Senegalese democratic system. This situation is regularly denounced by the High Council of the Audio-visual one.

* ¹³ It is the case of the Walfadjri daily newspapers, the Sun, the Daily newspaper and the weekly magazine the Duty.

* ¹⁴ On the level of the radios, interactive emissions «  the question of the day  » in South Fm, Walf Fm and RFM.

* ¹⁵ Several Internet sites lay out, beside the headings of information, forum of discussions devoted inter alia, to the topicality, policy etc

* ¹⁶ In 1986, the newspaper «  Freedom  » diffused a survey which placed the opponent Abdoulaye Wade at the head of the intentions of vote. The reaction of the capacity in place was to make Draconian the conditions of realization and diffusion of the political surveys. Indeed, the law n° on 86-16 voted April 14, 1986 is at the origin of the national commission of the surveys whose mission is of «  to give approvals to the organizations and to the people  » wishing to carry out surveys intended to be published. It checks moreover existence of «  financial means and technical essential to carry out opinion polls. Lastly, it is it which delivers the authorization of publication or diffusion of the results, «  after control of the conditions of their realization  ».

Thus, even if the political surveys are not prohibited in oneself, it does not remain about it less than the conditions of realization are not to support them. However, it is less the realization of surveys than their diffusion which is aimed. Indeed, the law lays out that «  the publication or the diffusion of the surveys having a common bond direct or indirect with a referendum or an election organized by the electoral code is prohibited as from the date of publication in the Official Journal of the bearing decree convocation of the electorate and until the proclamation of the results of the poll ".

* ¹⁷ Precisely in its article 8.

* ¹⁸ See on this subject work of Klinkenberg (Klinkenberg 1996  : 59-64).

* ¹⁹ This reformulation introduces several concepts. D `access that of receiver for which one substitutes the concept of recipient, thus laying the stress on the concept of feedback or information feedback  ; but especially the fragmentation undergone by the code. This one is rather presented in an interactive dynamics with the concepts of  «  encoding  » and of «  decoding  », of model of production and model of interpretation. Moreover, a particular stress is laid on «  ideological and cultural competences  » as well as «  psychological determinations «.

* ²⁰ Within the framework of the theory of the acts of languages conceived by Searle, each statement comprises an aspect locutoire, an aspect illocutoire and an aspect perlocutoire. The aspect locutoire returns to the syntactic and semantic characteristics «objective» of the statement, the aspect illocutoire with the value of note which takes the statement and the aspect perlocutoire the concrete effect that the statement in the real world produces, or success or the effectiveness rate of this statement.

* ²¹ For Baudrillard, «  the seduction represents the control of the universe symbolic system whereas the capacity represents only the control of the real universe. The sovereignty of the seduction is without common measurement with the detention of the political power  ».

* ²² The Constitution, in its Title II devoted to the President of the Republic indicates clearly  : Article 42: The President of the Republic is the guard of the Constitution. He incarnates the national unit. He is guaranteeing regular operation of the institutions, national independence and integrity of the territory. He determines the policy of the Nation.

Article 49: The President of the Republic names the Prime Minister and puts an end to his functions. On the proposal of the Prime Minister, the President of the Republic names the ministers, fixes their attributions and puts an end to their functions.

* ²³ «  blue walk consisted, for Pds, to beat countryside through the various cities of Senegal, in the shape of a convoy which will cross Senegal from beginning to end with the advantage of not holding systematically of the political meetings. Those requiring a logistics and financial means Pds did not have.

* ²⁴According to the independent weekly magazine New Horizon on June 03, 2005, «  Idrissa Seck was [when he was a Principal private secretary of the Head of the State] the strong man of the liberal mode after Wade. That which had the ear of the president and which, by the means of this one, made and demolished all the careers in the spheres of the State and the apparatus of Pds.

* ²⁵ The most obvious cases are those of the slingers of Dakar  : Doudou Lagging, Rolls Ba and Abdou Fall. The two named last will be isolated besides Government. It is the same fate that the Minister Aminata Tall will undergo. Irony of the fate, all these people currently sit at the Government contrary with Mr Seck who is imprisoned at present with the prison of Rebeuss.

* ²⁶ Idrissa Seck declared, a few weeks only after the formation of the Government of the Alternation, which it would beat Moustapha Niasse, the Prime Minister and at the same time combined PDS, with the next legislative elections.

* ²⁷ Arrived third at the first turn of the presidential election, it supported, with the second turn of the presidential election of 2000, the adverse candidate Abdoulaye Wade, who will be finally elected and who will make of him its Prime Minister.

* ²⁸ Mame madior Boye is a lawyer of formation, without political affiliation. It initially was a Minister for Justice in the first Government of Alternation before to be named Prime Minister from March 2001 to November 2002.

* ²⁹ This forever officially contradicted information. However we could not check the veracity of it. However, there is an Internet site bearing the name of the Prime Minister Idrissa Seck on whom this sentence is registered  : «  Idrissa Seck, next President  ». See www.idrissaseck.com site visited on July 29, 2005.

* ³⁰ Issa Sall, «  The Man in a hurry  », New Horizon N° 217 of April 14, 2000.

* ³¹ We had wished to meet the former Prime Minister to check on his level the reality of some presupposed, of which, inter alia, if it had been devoted to one «  media training  », namely a drive, a general repetition in order to optimize its service. Unfortunately, the week appointed for maintenance coincided with its interrogation within the framework of «  building sites of Thiès  ».

* ³² The event is a «fact or situation which occurs in the reality, and whose media return account in the form of a strategy called mediatization of the event. (.....) In this direction, it is about a circumstance which, in oneself, has neither significance, nor particular value; it is in the communication that the event being the subject of a diffusion, from a circulation between the recipients of information, will have a function symbolic system: will be equipped with a direction» (Lamizet and Silem 1997: 237).

* ³³ It is in particular of Walf Fm, South Fm and radio operator Senegal

* ³⁴ «The social events are not objects which would be done everything some share in reality and whose media would make known to us the properties and the misadventures deferred action with more or less of fidelity. They exist only insofar as these media work them» (MINNOW 1981: 1).

* ³⁵ There was the Declaration of general policy of Moustapha Niasse in 2000 and that of Mame Madior Boye in 2001.

* ³⁶ The Romans, in the wake of Isocrate, then of Quintilien, regarded the ethos as a rather social element (related on the social status and manners of the speaker), that discursive. This design will know an evolution at the traditional age with the introduction of the concept of manners oratories to indicate the ethos which one opposes to social manners. A distinction thus explained by the Gibert rhetorician Quoted by Guern (1977  : 284)  :  «  We distinguish manners oratories from with real manners. That is easy. Because that one is indeed honest man, that one has pity, religion, modesty, justice, facility with living with the world, or that, on the contrary, one is vicious, [...] they is what is called real manners there. But that a man appears such or such by the speech, that is called manners oratories.

* ³⁷ In Coran, sourate the thunder verse eleven.

* ³⁸ The prayer itself is preceded by an intention. Thus its intention will come to join for the prior.

* ³⁹ At the same time physiological but such a spiritual purity.

* ⁴⁰ The Audit, moreover, will not be limited to a stock of files passed, but will accompany in a permanent way, like tool of prevention as much as repression, management in progress. And it is there that its true role resides at the service of the transparency raised with the row of constitutional obligation by our mode.

* ⁴¹ For the concepts of position, to see Kerbrat-Orecchioni, (Orecchioni 1992 I: p. 95).

* ⁴² The teaching body would be the majority socio-professional category with the French National Assembly.

* ⁴³ The FTA (Face Threatening Act) are acts of verbal and nonverbal languages which threaten the faces of the interactants. One distinguishes four types of FTA: acts threatening the negative face of that which achieves them (offers, promise, etc); acts threatening the positive face of that which achieves them (consent, self-criticism, etc); acts threatening the negative face of others (violation of nonverbal nature, questions indiscreet, directing acts, etc)  and acts threatening the positive face of that which undergoes them (critical, refutation, etc).

The interaction is not only the place of a confrontation. It also a space of search of consensus and agreement. Consequently, we note, with with dimensions FTAS constitutive of the aggressive mark, the antiones or F (face flattering acts). They develop one or the other of the faces by carrying out a negative courtesy (by attenuation or screening of the FTA), and positive with developing acts or behaviors.

* ⁴⁴ This expression was used by the Prime Minister Moustapha Niasse at the time of his Declaration of general policy in 2000.

* ⁴⁵ The importance of the intention is very clear in the Islamic religion. Indeed, the Prophet, in one of his hadiths (matter), would have stressed that  «  the actions are worth only by the intentions  ».