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Revisiting the Self-Help Housing debate: Perception of Self-Help Housing by the beneficiaries of South African low-cost housing

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par Andre Mengi Yengo
Witwatersrand of Johannesburg RSA - Master 2006
  

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2.3.4 Weaknesses of neo-liberalist principles

The main critique that I would like to formulate against neo-liberal policy is the justification of inequality and the growing poverty in developing countries. It may be observed in neo-liberal States that only the elite are likely to perform and markets of good jobs and opportunities are not opened to those who are not competitive. The response to the question of why there are inequalities and poverty in societies, including developed countries such as USA, becomes simple and obvious. Individuals who constitute the elite or those who are skilled, rich and powerful are competitive and in fact, may bring into the market their goods, services or qualified skills. In turn, some individuals are poor, weak and lack influence because they cannot bring something consistent or significant into the market. As a result, they will grow poorer. This means that neo-liberals judge individuals under the criteria of competence and power. In other words, an individual is appreciated and considered in the society insofar as he/she is able to compete in the market

Alongside the justification of inequalities and poverty the conception of economic growth which in turn, according to neo-liberals, should bring poverty alleviation does not go without being challenged. In practice this principle is not applied. Nowadays we observe throughout the world that neo-liberalism with its belief in economic growth did not succeed. On the contrary the number of poor people in developing countries where neo-liberal policy is implemented is increasing. Only competitive people may profit from economic growth. As Bauman (1998: 4) observes, «the direct benefits of economic growth have tended to be distributed in favour of the already excessively wealthy members of the community and as a result `the poor get poorer, the very rich... get richer still»(quoted in Smart, 2003: 44). In contrast, poor people who are supposed to be the beneficiaries of development growth become the victims of neo-liberalist policy. This explains the shift by the World Bank around 1970s in instituting the implementation of Local Economic Development and in announcing that «the development record should be judged not by economic growth but by the extent to which poverty was reduced in the world» (Colclough, 1991: 5).

The last critique that I would like to stress in this debate regarding neo-liberalism is the place or the future of poor people in the neo-liberal State. Neo-liberals believe that poor people will improve their living conditions once economic growth is attained. Indeed, according to neo-liberals, economic growth will automatically bring investors and in turn will attract capital flow. This is partially true. Nevertheless, most poor people in developing countries are unskilled as they do not improve their education for one reason or another. It may be observed in developing countries that «schooling is too costly to expand coverage to all who need it, resources are inefficiently used and benefits are disproportionately captured by the richer group in society» (Colclough, 1991b: 210). In a neo-liberal State poor people are unlikely to find a good job. Indeed, as Baumann (2003) argues, it is almost impossible for an enterprise to employ uneducated people. In sum, poor people do not have a better future in a neo-liberal State, unless they improve their level of education and become competitive. This is because in a neo-liberal State, good education is a function of a good job.

Related to housing, in a neo-liberal State where the State must reduce its intervention in social services and keep a distance from economic activities, poor people who cannot compete in the market do not have another alternative than practicing spontaneous SHH. As poor people suffer from the lack of education (see the argumentation above), they will be likely to violate State laws in, for example, invading public or private land for the purpose of housing. This violation of land has happened in South Africa (see Huchzermeyer, 2003b). The question which arises from this debate related to neo-liberal policy is whether or not poverty alleviation and adequate housing solutions for poor households may be achieved without the intervention of the State. This debate has shown that without State intervention only richer and more powerful groups can attain their ends. This explains my interest in State aided SHH. Indeed, a successful aided SHH combines the participation of the State and the involvement of beneficiaries. This process may bring about personal satisfaction of individuals and adequate housing solutions for poor people.

The rest of the debate in this chapter will look at inequalities, poverty and the concept of need which, like liberalism and neo-liberalism, welcome the practice of SHH.

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