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Black Lives Matter: l'intersectionnalité, une méthodologie analytique


par Judy Judy Meri
Université Côte d'Azur  - Master 1 Information et communication 2021
  

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ANNEXES

1.1 Partie I, Chapitre I

Les textes originaux en anglais

Note 3: Dunbar Ortiz: The history of the United States is a history of settler colonialism- the founding of a state based on the ideology of white supremacy, the widespread practice of African slavery, and a policy of genocide and land theft. In the United States, the founding and development of the Anglo-American settler-state involves a narrative about Puritan settlers who had a covenant with God to take the land. That part of the origin story is supported and reinforced by the Columbus myth and the « Doctrine of Discovery.»

Note 4: Pennington: Las Casas who has lived with his father on Espanola contributed to juridical and political thought was his defense of the rights of indigenous peoples in Central and South America. He also limited ecclesiastical authority in the secular world and was a vigorous critic of slavery and defender of the right of every human being to be free.

Note 5: Casas: Now to come to the Continent, we are confident, and dare affirm upon our own knowledge, that there were ten Kingdoms of as large an extent as the Kingdom of Spain, joining to it both Aragon, and Portugal, containing above a thousand miles every one of then in compass, which the inhumane and abominable villainies of the Spaniards have made a wilderness of, being now as it were stript of all their people, and made bare of all their inhabitants, though it were a place formerly possessed by vast and infinite numbers of men; And we dare confidently aver, that for those Forty years, wherein the Spaniards exercised their abominable cruelties, and detestable tyrannies in those parts, that there have innocently perish'd above Twelve millions of souls, women and children being numbered in this sad and fatal list; moreover I do verily believe that I should speak within compass, should I say that above Fifty millions were consumed in this Massacre.

Note 6: Margaret Kohn et Kavita Reddy: The Spanish conquest of the Americas was taking place during a period of reform when humanist scholars within the Church were increasingly influenced by the natural law theories of theologians such as St. Thomas Aquinas. According to Pope Innocent IV, war could not be waged against infidels and they could not be deprived of their property simply because of their non-belief. The Spanish quickly concluded that the habits of the native Americans, from nakedness to unwillingness to labor to alleged cannibalism, clearly demonstrated their inability to recognize natural law. This account of

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native customs was used to legitimize the enslavement of the Indians, which the Spanish colonists insisted was the only way to teach them civilization and introduce them to Christianity. Some of the Spanish missionaries sent to the New World, however, noticed that the brutal exploitation of slave labor was widespread while any serious commitment to religious instruction was absent. Members of the Dominican order in particular noted the hypocrisy of enslaving the Indians because of their alleged barbarity while practicing a form of conquest, warfare, and slavery that reduced the indigenous population of Hispaniola from 250,000 to 15,000 in two decades of Spanish rule. Given the genocidal result of Spanish « civilization,» they began to question the idea of a civilizing mission.»

Note 8: Jackson and Jackson: « Evolutionary thought grew into a significant ideology that can be called « scientific racism' at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century. Scientific racism was the result of two lines of scientific thought merging. First new ideas about heredity provided an explanation of the way traits could be held stable for generation after generation. Second, ideas flowered about the supremacy of the north European races - what was called Aryanism or Teutonicism in the nineteenth century and Nordicism in the twentieth.» Most learned people of the nineteenth century believed in the doctrine of « inheritance of acquired characteristics.» Most often associated with the French evolutionist Jean Baptiste de Lamarck (1744-1829), the doctrine taught that environmental pressures change the physical nature of an organism and that these acquired characteristics were inherited by subsequent generations.

Note 10: Jackson Darwin's cousin, Francis Galton (1822-1911). Galton coined the phrase « nature versus nurture» and he came down strongly on the side of nature. Galton's early life and upbringing was much like his cousin's. He was born into a wealthy family and expected to become a physician. Also like Darwin, he was miserable at medical school. The most gifted protégé of Galton, and a key figure in promoting Galtonian views of heredity and science, was Karl Pearson (1857-1936), who set out his views about science in an influential work, The Grammar of Science (1882). For Pearson, a good scientist avoided all speculation about unobservable entities and focused only on directly sensed evidence. Pearson founded the journal Biometrika in 1901, which became the main outlet for statistical studies of the physical traits of organisms. This view of the sufficiency of statistical constructs to explain scientific phenomena would continue on into the twentieth century, particularly in psychometrics and IQ testing. Galton and Pearson are correctly seen as the founders of this approach and both contributed key ideas to the science of statistics. One of Galton's most famous works makes his approach clear and underscores the social motivations of his work. In Hereditary Genius,

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pubUshed in 1869, Galton undertook a statistical analysis of « men of genius» in the United Kingdom. His book attempted to rank the geniuses in the country in order to determine if mental ability was inherited and concluded that it was. For Galton, society should take steps to ensure the emergence of more geniuses and fewer of lower intellectual ability.Galton believed that improving the race meant that the government should encourage breeding among the best people and take steps to keep the superior stocks from mixing with inferiors. Galton did not shy away from racial interpretations of his data. He believed that Negroes were at least two grades below Anglo-Saxons in ability and intelligence.

Note 12: Jackson: In the United States, Madison Grant (1865, 1937) Much like Charles Darwin, Grant was not a scientist by training. World War I brought with it the « Great Migration» of blacks from the rural south to the urban North as they attempted to leave the authoritarian Jim Crow systemos, the crushing poverty of the tenant farming system, and systematic disenfranchisement. Grant, and others, despaired at the growing number of dark faces they saw on the city streets and declared that something must be done about it. In his last book, Conquest of a Continent, published in 1933, Grant declared that « The Negro problem must be taken vigorously in hand by the Whites without delay. States which have no laws preventing the intermarriage of white and black should adopt them.» Between 1900 and 1945 nearly every modernizing society had some form of eugenics movement. Recent work on the history of the eugenics movements underscores how diverse the ideologies and policies were that went under that name. Popular understanding of eugenics is often restricted to the horrors of Nazi Germany, but, in fact, leftists proclaimed their adherence to eugenic doctrines as much as those on the political right. In many countries, eugenics was confined to what we might think of as prenatal care, focusing on the « future generations» carried by pregnant women. In other countries, particularly those where Lamarckian doctrines were still scientifically respectable, eugenics focused as much on environmental improvement as it did on selective breeding. Eugenics was the idea that good people should be encouraged to reproduce and bad people should be discouraged from it. Taken in this light, eugenic thinking was a way to think about social problems in scientific terms.The Nordics created the United States, according to Grant, but were in danger of being swamped by the inferior races in what he called the « survival of the unfit.» Grant blamed « sentimentalists» who held the « fatuous belief in the power of environment... to alter heredity.» Not so, Grant declared: « Speaking English, wearing good clothes, and going to school does not transform a Negro into a white man.» Immigration was a similar threat. « We shall have a similar experience with the Polish Jew,» Grant warned, « whose dwarf stature, peculiar mentality, and ruthless concentration on self-interest are being

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engrafted upon the stock of the nation.» The danger, Grant warned, was allowing more than one race in the same geographical area under the common « melting pot» notion that the environment would erase racial differences.

Note 16 Allen: English and Africans working side by side in the field or in the tobacco shed plitted their escape, met at their rendezvous, and fled to freedom together. The assemblies of all the plantation colonies enacted cruel and vicious penalties for such « stealth of oneself». The form of corporal punishment most commonly used was flogging and randing, but mutilation and even death were legal retribution against the captured fugitive. The most common form of penalty, because it was most profitable to the owners, was to extend the period of service: for each day away, added service of two days in Virginia, seven in South Carolina, and ten in Maryland. Most elementary and human, form of servant solidarity was marrying without the consent of the master. Not only did the marriage impose some barrier to extremes of exploitation, but it led to « lost time when a wife became pregnant. For this « offense» there were severe legal penalties. The usual penalty was a year's extension of time for marrying and a year for pregnancy. The children of bond-servants were themselves bond-servants until they were over twenty years of age. But the heaviest penalties were those for white women who bore children where the father was African. For those women the penalty was as much as seven years of extended service and a severe whipping at the public whipping post, with the child to be a bond-servant until thirty-one years of age. In 1705, the last step was taken: All servants who were brought into the country, by sea or land, were to be slaves, unless they came as three-star Christians as specified in the 1680 law. Only blacks were slaves, not Indians, in Virginia. There remained the question of the free persons of color. but their position was clearly defined as one of a lower status than any white person. IN 1805, for instance, the law forbade any Negro to own any white servant. In 1723, free Negroes, who had until then been voters on the same basis as whites, were deprived of this right.

Note: 18 Allen: The white-skin privileges of the poor free whites were simply reflexes of the liabilities imposed on the Negro slave: to move about freely without a pass, to marry without any upper-class consent, to change employment; to vote in elections in accordance with the laws on qualifications; to acquire property; and last, but not least, in this partial list, the right of self-defense. Africans and Afro-West Indians had not taken part in the long history of negotiation and contest in which the English lower classes had worked out the relationship between themselves and their superiors. Therefore, the custom and law that embodied that history did not apply to them. Africans and Afro-West Indians were thus available for perpetual slavery in a way that English servants were not.

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Note 19: James Lee Ray: Slavery was common in ancient Egypt, Babylonia, Assyria, Greece, Rome, India, and China. The extent to which ancient Greece relied on slaves plays an important role in two controversies relevant to the focus of this article, possibly because the practice became prominent in Greece.' The practice of slavery became distinctly less prevalent as the Roman Empire declined, and for Marxists the reasons are clear. When slavery disappears, it does so because it is replaced by a more efficient and therefore more progressive mode of production. In the period from 1502 to almost 1900, slaves were brought from Africa to the Americas by the millions. (Native Americans were used as slaves in the earlier years, but they proved « unsuitable» in several ways, one of which was a stubborn tendency to die.) Great Britain officially prohibited the slave trade in 1807 and played a role in bringing it to a virtual halt by the latter half of the nineteenth century. The British also legally ended slavery in territories under their control in 1833, while the Civil War brought it to an end in the United States by 1865. Cuba and Brazil were the last holdouts in the Western hemisphere; slavery was abolished in Cuba in 1886, while Brazil officially terminated it in 1888. One of the most noted contemporary analyses of the disappearance of slavery in the Western hemisphere is that of Eric Williams in Capitalism and Slavery, which focuses on the history of slavery in the British West Indies. Williams' thesis is straightforward: « When British capitalism depended on the West Indies, they ignored or defended it. When British capitalism found the West Indian monopoly a nuisance, they destroyed West Indian slavery as a first step in the destruction of the West Indian monopoly. But vital economic interests in the North, up to the time of the Civil War, profited handsomely from the toil of slaves in the South. According to Tem perley, « Northern cotton manufacturers were dependent on Southern plantation agriculture for their raw materials. New York finance houses provided Southerners with much of their capital and reaped their reward in interest. New England shippers carried the South's cotton to the factories of Europe and the North.» Granted, the clash of economic interests in the rapidly industrializing North and the primarily agricultural South created several issues, such as the focus on tariffs, to cite a prominent example, which made victory for the Union beneficial to the pocketbooks of many in the North. However, the predominant economic classes in the North were not necessarily well served by the abolition of slavery in the South. The antislavery position of the Union did bring clear political benefits, some of which were international in scope, and those benefits, arguably, flowed ultimately from the widespread feeling that slavery was indefensible on ethical grounds.

Note 20: Mitchell: Blassingame (1972) and Jacob and Landau (1971) found that African survival during slavery required developing different types of personality traits and skills.

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Black survival also necessitated learning a number of craft skills and trades. For the enslaved African, learning to read and write was highly desired and from most existing accounts, difficult for most to achieve. Yet for many, learning to read and write was the first step toward self-emancipation. DuBois (1962) estimated that only five percent of enslaved Africans could read by the end of the Civil War. This figure is very low, perhaps debatable, but does suggest that anti-African public opinion and laws were effective at curtailing Black literacy in the antebellum South. Genovese (1972) suggests that Africans often possessed a greater desire to acquire literacy than poor whites. According to Genovese (1972) and Webber (1978), enslaved Africans were often aided by: 1) masters, mistresses, and children (Note: Whites often taught their favorite captives and mixed-race children, who often became domesticated house servants), 2) Africans taught themselves and instructed others, and 3) Africans established « Sabbath schools» to increase clandestine literacy efforts. Enslave Africans who labored as field hands usually experienced much harsher treatment and rigid segregation, particularly on larger plantations in the Deep South. In the twentieth century, Malcolm X analyzed the « house versus field slave» condition and suggested that the brutal and inhumane treatment of « field Africans» contributed to their militant, defiant, and aggressive attitude towards whites (X,1964). In comparison, Stampp (1956) and Harding (1981) found that Africans were usually segregated and appropriated by occupations and trades. Nevertheless, separating Africans by house and field designations was most likely a slave management Method. Africans who could read often taught others using whatever means and opportunities available. Inter-generational education also occurred as father and mother taught son or daughter, who in turn taught others, young and old. Some Africans taught themselves to read and write by observing whites. However, what is known is that slaveholders generally reacted with cruel punishment and swift violence directed at those who strove for literacy. Some were informed on by children and plantation workers, while others were discovered by their owners. American slavery dislocated and robbed the African of culture and traditions, including over 100 languages. Consequently, the psychological and sociological effects of centuries of slavery and racism are evidenced in the writings, records, and testimonies of participants, in particular, in the memories and « English» of former captives. Their recollections reveal the degradation and dehumanization that slavery, European/White American nationalism, and racism extracted on their racial identity, self-esteem, and self-image. Joy DeGruy Leary's (2005) claim that African Americans suffer from anti-Black socialization evidenced by continued acceptance of deprecating language and images in the media and the arts. DeGruy Leary labels this multigenerational maladaptive behavior Post-Traumatic Slave Syndrome (PTSS), which might also explain the preference of

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many young African Americans for limiting educational aspirations and lower ambitions in the larger American society. Thus, despite slavery's lingering negative effects, the effort of enslaved Africans to obtain literacy is a remarkable feat. This tumultuous journey would explode into powerful freedom movements in the twentieth-century.

Note 21: Fields: One of the most important of these absurd assumptions, accepted implicitly by most Americans, is that there is really only one race, the Negro race. That is why the Court had to perform intellectual contortions to prove that non-Negroes might be construed as members of races in order to receive protection under laws forbidding racial discrimination. Americans regard people of known African descent or visible African appearance as a race, but not people of known European descent or visible European appearance. That is why, in the United States, there are scholars and black scholars, women, and black women. A second absurd assumption inseparable from race in its characteristic American form takes for granted that virtually everything people of African descent do, think, or say is racial in nature. a third assumption: namely, that any situation involving people of European descent and people of African descent automatically falls under the heading `race relations'. Race is not an element of human biology (like breathing oxygen or reproducing sexually); nor is it even an idea (like the speed of light or the value of ) that can be plausibly imagined to live an eternal life of its own. Race is not an idea but an ideology. It came into existence at a discernible historical moment for rationally understandable historical reasons and is subject to change for similar reasons. American racial ideology is as original an invention of the Founders as is the United States itself. Those holding liberty to be inalienable and holding Afro-Americans as slaves were bound to end by holding race to be a self-evident truth. Thus we ought to begin by restoring to race--that is, the American version of race--its proper history. Race as a coherent ideology did not spring into being simultaneously with slavery, but took even more time than slavery did to become systematic. A commonplace that few stop to examine holds that people are more readily oppressed when they are already perceived as inferior by nature. The reverse is more to the point. People are more readily perceived as inferior by nature when they are already seen as oppressed. Africans and their descendants might be, to the eye of the English, heathen in religion, outlandish in nationality, and weird in appearance. But that did not add up to an ideology of racial inferiority until a further historical ingredient got stirred into the mixture: the incorporation of Africans and their descendants into a polity and society in which they lacked rights that others not only took for granted, but claimed as a matter of self-evident natural law.27 Afro-Americans understood the reason for their enslavement to be, as Frederick Douglass put it, `not color, but crime'.39 Afro-Americans invented themselves, not as a race,

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but as a nation. They were not troubled, as modern scholars often are, by the use of racial vocabulary to express their sense of nationality. But race is neither biology nor an idea absorbed into biology by Lamarckian inheritance. It is ideology, and ideologies do not have lives of their own. Nor can they be handed down or inherited: a doctrine can be, or a name, or a piece of property, but not an ideology. If race lives on today, it does not live on because we have inherited it from our forebears of the seventeenth century or the eighteenth or nineteenth, but because we continue to create it today. Those who create and re-create race today are not just the mob that killed a young Afro-American man on a street in Brooklyn or the people who join the Klan and the White Order. They are also those academic writers whose invocation of self propelling `attitudes' and tragic flaws assigns Africans and their descendants to a special category, placing them in a world exclusively theirs and outside history-- a form of intellectual apartheid no less ugly or oppressive, despite its righteous (not to say self-righteous) trappings, than that practised by the bio- and theo-racists; and for which the victims, like slaves of old, are expected to be grateful. They are the academic `liberals' and `progressives' in whose version of race the neutral shibboleths difference and diversity replace words like slavery, injustice, oppression and exploitation, diverting attention from the anything-but-neutral history these words denote. They are also the Supreme Court and spokesmen for affirmative action, unable to promote or even define justice except by enhancing the authority and prestige of race; which they will continue to do forever so long as the most radical goal of the political opposition remains the reallocation of unemployment, poverty and injustice rather than their abolition. Nothing handed down from the past could keep race alive if we did not constantly reinvent and re-ritualize it to fit our own terrain. If race lives on today, it can do so only because we continue to create and re-create it in our social life, continue to verify it, and thus continue to need a social vocabulary that will allow us to make sense, not of what our ancestors did then, but of what we ourselves choose to do now.

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"Je ne pense pas qu'un écrivain puisse avoir de profondes assises s'il n'a pas ressenti avec amertume les injustices de la société ou il vit"   Thomas Lanier dit Tennessie Williams