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UN RENOUVEAU DE LA PARTICIPATION ASSOCIATIVE ? L'engagement et le militantisme au sein du comité Attac Isère


par Eric Farges
Université Pierre Mendès France - IEP Grenoble -   2002
  

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1 new social conflicts

The social conflicts, that they are perceived as the sign of a crisis of social integration or like the vector of the change, indicate a central reality of our companies243(*). They represent, above all, the incapacity of the institutional mechanisms to manage the requests, social, political or cultural expressed by the civil company : there is conflict when a decision cannot be made according to traditional decisions'.

Attac as a grouping of « citizens » which affirms « to make of the policy differently » take part in a direct way in the development of the social conflict. They testify to a failure of the institutional mechanisms to take into account waitings of the civil company. This is why, it appears necessary to consider the participation in Attac in connection with the problems of the social conflicts. That will make it possible to integrate this militancy within broader sets (anti-mondialistes groups) and comprehension will make easier from there.

The participation of Attacants in the social conflicts must be analyzed under two distinct angles. First of all, it appears necessary to connect the development of association with the dynamic news protesters who appeared since the beginning of the Nineties; after which it will be possible to consider the forms of emergent mobilizations and in which Attac takes part.

1.1 The alarm clock of the collective protest

The militancy of Attacants would take part in a movement of dispute fuller than some compare to one « alarm clock of the collective protest ». This one would succeed a long phase of political and social apathy which would have ended at the time of the conflicts of December 1995. But when it is really ? Which report/ratio is it possible to identify between the militance of Attacants and them « new social conflicts » ? Which was the effective participation of the militants in these events ?

1.1.1 The new dynamics of the social movements

1.1.1.1 Decline and revival of the social conflicts

Since the years 1980, the social conflicts are marked by two major evolutions244(*). First of all, one attends a regression of the social conflicts. This fall is visible in particular starting from the indicator of the number of days of strikes « lost »245(*). In addition, the social conflicts lost their form of generalized confrontation, which resulted in national actions, and they were centered at the local level. For example, the industrial disputes which occupy a central place in the social conflict246(*), more and more acted and treated with the level of the company since the beginning of the years 1980.

This double evolution is bound, partly, with the crisis which affects the trade unionism since 1986 in particular in the private sector. One of the most visible signs of this crisis is the fall of the rate of unionization at the end of the years 1980 : since 1988, less than 10% of the employees are syndicated247(*). One of the explanations often advanced considers this evolution as a questioning of the forms of the trade unionism according to war. The trade unions had succeeded in under Ve République being essential like the partners of the growth by facilitating a relative division of the profits of productivity and the acceptance of a certain type of technical division of work. It was, according to Christophe Aguiton, about one « trade unionism of company, a quasi single intermediate trade unionism in the large companies, between paid and owners, a trade unionism playing an important part in the mechanisms of regulation of the companies of the capitalist world developed after war »248(*). This system was confronted, according to Rene Mouriaux, with the questioning of « compromise fordist » following the modifications of the conditions of production (internationalization, installation of new technologies) and with the new relations within the labor market (withdrawal of the State, rejection of the little qualified workmen).249(*) This weakening is more visible with the margins of the trade unionism since they are those which are located at the periphery of the traditional bastions : small companies, immigrants, young people, women, the precarious ones and unemployeds250(*). A revival of the forms of the conflict of company takes place at the end of years 1980 apart from the trade unions. Coordinations by professional sectors, where syndicated and not syndicated decide together to carry out strikes, multiply251(*).

Whereas the trade unions were in crisis and that the workers were in the search of new forms of fight, the revival of the social conflicts took place by where one did not await it : the associative sector. Associations which had had the wind in poop during the years 1980 as for example S.O.S-Racism knew a loss speed and new associative movements centered on defense of « precarious » and the most stripped from emerged at the beginning of the years 1990252(*). The DAL (Right to Housing) inaugurates this associative revival during the winter 1994253(*). Other associations will follow such as AC ! (To act together against unemployment) founded in October 1993 or Rights In front ! ! impetus in January 1995.

The social conflict is accentuated in 1995 at the time of December and November during which a wave of strikes, primarily in the public office, touches France. This movement of strikes which is often presented as being unified gathers several distinct claims which are superimposed. There first of all was a strike of the railwaymen who refused the contract of plan the State-SNCF envisaged for the five years to come254(*). With this claim the refusal with the plan presented by Alain Juppe, Prime Minister was burdened at the time, who to propose to restructure the cases of social security. It comprised two shutters : a first which envisaged a lengthening of the retirements and a second who aimed at controlling the expenditure of health255(*). New claims were added during the events : the teachers expressed by requesting new means from National Education256(*), actions also took place in favor of the women's right257(*). Whereas the movement originated in the public office, it gradually was extended to paid private sector, then with « excluded » like the unemployeds or without-papers258(*). Occupations of factory and demonstration main roads of large width took place259(*). Population with the movement of strike supports was very important as well in the private sector for « without »260(*). Some in order to explain this support for the demonstrators spoke even at the time of strike « by procuration ». However, much the strikes of 1995 criticized by showing them to defend of the catégoriels interests and to reflect a very strong corporatism within the public utility. Moreover, the main part of the assets of 1995 related to the public utility : the emergency plan and States General of the higher education, withdrawal of measurements on the retirements of the civils servant. On the other hand, the essence of the Juppe plan on the reduction of the expenditure of health was maintained261(*).

It would seem that the events of December 1995 engaged a dynamics of the social protest. Indeed, following 1995, the social conflicts multiplied. They did not relate to only the industrial disputes but also the right of the immigrants, the evil placed or of the unemployeds. A movement of the unemployeds and precarious workers of great scope took place of December 23, 1997 to March 7, 1998262(*). The movements of assistance to without-papers were also mobilized following the law Debré, of the name of the Minister of Interior Department, voted on March 20, 1997. To alert the opinion a call to civil disobedience was launched by a collective of scenario writers on February 12, 1997 and one national demonstration took place the 22 févier 1997. One can also through these events distinguish emergence from a news « territorialisation » of the social conflicts since they extended on a European scale. Indeed, 1997 were the year of the first European social mobilizations. It was first of all the advertisement by Renault of the closing-down of its factory of Villevorde, February 27, 1997, which caused one « eurogrève » on March 7. It y have a demonstration on May 28 with the call of the European Confederation of the trade unions. It was also European walk against unemployment and the precariousness which was completed in Amsterdam, June 14, 1997, at the time of the intergovernmental Conference for the amendment of the treaty of Maastricht.

* 243 Julien Freund defines the conflict as «  the calling into question of a report/ratio of forces or an uneven relation between the social actors, or like the confrontation between two beings or groups which express a hostile intention in connection with a right  ». Freund (Julien), Sociology of the conflict, Paris, PUF, 1983, p. 240.

* 244 Cf Didier Lapeyronnie, «  The revival of the social conflicts  », Social sciences, Out of the ordinary n°26, 09/10/1999, pp. 50-54.

* 245 Ibid, p. 52.

* 246 Ibid, p. 51.

* 247 The rate of unionization was into 1968 of 16%, 1978 of 17,6% and 1988 of 9,6%. Cf Mouriaux (Rene) «  Trade unions under Ve République  » in Chagnollaud (Domenica) directed by, political life to France. Paris, ED of the Threshold, 1993, pp. 344-364.

* 248 Cf, Aguiton (Christophe), «  Tracks for a trade-union revival of the social movements  », 01/1997. In Aguiton (Christophe), Bensaïd (Daniel), the return of the social question, ED Page Two, Lausanne, 1997, p. 215.

* 249 Rene Mouriaux, op.cit., p. 357.

* 250 One can note that these are the same categories of population which will constitute the principal actors of the social conflicts of the years 1990.

* 251 One can quote like example of this type of conflict, the coordination of the nurses who have mile in 1998. Cf Lapeyronnie (Didier), art.cit, p. 51.

* 252 Cf Lopez (Veronique), «  New countervailing powers  », in Politis, 9/11/2000, pp. 26-31.

* 253 For a presentation of associations which are founder members of Attac, cf,  «Networks of Attacants», appendix n°6, p. 14.

* 254 The strike of the railwaymen began on 17 November and taken end on January 9. Cf Béroud (Sophie), Mouriaux (Rene), Vakaloulis (Michel), the social movement in France. Political test of sociology, ED the argument, Paris, 1998, Chronology, p. 207.

* 255 Cf, Wievorka (Michel), «  Necessary a aggiornamento  », in New glances, n°12, Winter 2000.

* 256 December 7 the trade unions took part in one day of action national and interprofessional.

* 257 Demonstrations took place on November 25 in Paris, Bordeaux, Marseilles and Toulon.

* 258 In December 1995, association Rights In front  !  ! it launched  «  call of without  » at the time of the occupation of the Beaubourg center in Paris.

* 259 The national day of action of December 12 brought together 985.000 people according to the ministry for the interior and 2, 2 million according to trade unions' and that of December 16 gathered between 585.000 people according to the ministry for the interior and two million according to trade unions'.

* 260 According to a survey, 57% of paid public sector, 53% of paid private sector and 58% of the unemployeds approved the strikes of December 1995.

* 261 Cf, Duhancourt (Pierre), «  Practical work  », in New glances, n°12, Winter 2000, p. 7.

* 262 This movement proceeded in three stages. First of all, the complaint stalemate unemployeds of a premium of Christmas, then occupation of Assedic about the amount of the allowance unemployment, and finally a claim with the full employment addressed towards employers.

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