UN RENOUVEAU DE LA PARTICIPATION ASSOCIATIVE ? L'engagement et le militantisme au sein du comité Attac Isère

1.2 New forms of mobilization

The contemporary mobilizations are carried out through the specific regrouping of a whole of heterogeneous actors. The demonstrations gave, previously, the advisability with each organization (associative, political or trade-union) of making state of its « forces »^286(*). It was about « a succession of procession trade-union and political [where] each one ravelled with his for such or such cause »^287(*). From now on, the participation in the mobilizations is carried out on a mode more personalized, during which « the demonstrators find themselves with the movement or the association which reflects best the combat of the moment »^288(*). The mode of participation in a demonstration is carried out on a mode more flexible and less constraining than previously^289(*).

However, there is a very strong homogeneity between these actors. Those are gathered within one « network » which is presented in the form of an abstract aggregation of a whole of organizations and which is constituted through the participation of heterogeneous individuals in the same movement of protest. This is why Aguiton defines the network as being «a flexible system, where one works together while keeping his identity»^290(*). It is during eighty ten, that a network of mobilization was gradually set up^291(*). The events of 1995 allowed, for example, to determine certain points of agreements around of which various organizations could meet in a transitory way. Parallel to this dynamics, another phenomenon accentuated this setting in network of the actors. The development of the social conflicts on an international scale led to the installation of a broader anti-mondialiste network.

1.2.1 The internationalization of the social conflicts

1.2.1.1 Birth of « against-tops »

Since 1999 the social conflicts took an international dimension at the time of « against-tops ». This term indicates mobilizations which take place at the time of the international tops joining together the most industrialized countries planet (which take place within the framework of institutional meetings^292(*) or of abstract regroupings^293(*)) in order to express a dissension with the decisions which are made there. The first against-tops are not, as opposed to what one could believe, those of the end of the Nineties. Already in 1989 in Paris had taken place it « Summit of the seven poorest people » in response to the course of the top of G7^294(*). The conferences organized by UNO during the Nineties were also the place of movements of protest. A total forum of the alternatives took place in 1992 in Rio de Janeiro at the time of the Summit of the ground, an international meeting devoted to the environment. For each meeting organized by UNO, of the against-tops were organized : in Vienna in 1993 on the topic of the humans right, in Cairo in 1994 on the problems of population, in Beijing in 1995 on the women, 1996 in Istanbul on subject of the habitat. The against-tops which took place recently have the characteristic to gather the militants already present during the preceding mobilizations and of new movements^295(*).

It is at the time of the negotiations of the FRIEND (Multilateral agreement on the investment) that the dispute « anti-mondialiste » appeared on the front of the public scene^296(*). The opponents with this agreement saw there « under technical forks and spoons of provisions, a total freedom of circulation of capital allowing the multinationals to dictate their law with the governments, endangering the democracy, social protection and the environment »^297(*). The negotiations of the FRIEND started into 1995 within OMC then were continued by OECD. In spring 1997, of American ONG North of defense of the humans right and environment diffused the text of the project in order to alert the associative networks which were organized. In France, during the autumn 1997, an information campaign was carried out by a collective (Coordination against the FRIEND) of seventy organizations to the various fields of interventions (Company of the film realizers, Droits in front ! !, Country Confederation). The diplomatic World was very virulent with respect to the draft agreement, which was published on its Internet site. During the meeting of the Group of negotiation of the FRIEND to OECD (located at the castle of the Dumb woman in Paris), a collective was made up and a demonstration take place in front of OECD on February 18, 1998. Another movement of protest proceeded on April 28, 1998; it was very médiatisé. In response to these mobilizations, the government decided in October 1998 to defer these negotiations to the framework of more judged OMC « democratic » that OECD (137 countries represented with OMC against 29 with OECD). The face of protest developed at once since in October 1998, a new collective was set up (Coordination for control citizen of OMC, CCOMC). It is this collective which prepared, as of February 1999, the mobilizations which took place in Seattle.

The movements of protest which took place at the time of the FRIEND, in 1998, seem to have had rather strong effects on the engagement of the militants. Several members directly bind their engagement to Attac with discovered these trade negociations and the polemic that there was then. For example Julie, for whom December 1995 had represented one « resumption of the active action », was very marked by the revelation of the agreements of the FRIEND. Luc explains that the FRIEND was for him one « awakening ». However those which previously were implied in the traditional social conflicts (industrial disputes, fights for the unemployeds, fights against the antifascism) were concerned very little with the polemic which took place about the FRIEND. For example, Cécile was interested in the movement but it explains why being implied in Ras the Face, it was informed little of the problems involved in universalization. François who also militated in Ras the Face and the LCR is not very interested in the movement for lack of « obvious stakes » which would have allowed a militant mobilization. Much of inquired was challenged by the movement FRIEND. Because of the absence of demonstration, that it is more related with an awakening than to an act of militancy. On the other hand, those which were challenged by this event (Julie, Luc, Fabien) adhered to Attac as of its launching, i.e. a few months after the FRIEND. It would thus seem that their engagement is directly related to this event^298(*).

Julie : I came to Attac because one day in Marianne I saw a small paragraph on the agreement of the FRIEND. This article analyzed this agreement and there I said myself : « It is not possible, it is not possible that one lets make a similar trick! » I believe that that be my catch. One month after there was the creation of Attac and I said myself Attac it is what I need [...] I said oneself it is not possible that the governments let do that. But this small paragraph was not enough for me nevertheless to go to express in the street and I did not take part in the movements of 1998 against the FRIEND. So that I go down in the street it was necessary that I adhere to Attac [...]

Luc: The movement counters the FRIEND formed intake of conscience at the same period. It was at the end of 97 and when I intended some to speak, there is a discovery which was made by step badly people at that time there. I think that it was by the diplomatic World that I intended some to speak.

F.E : There had been movements in 1998 against the FRIEND, you were well-informed?

Fabien: Yes, but I believe that there no had been demonstrations. It was OECD which had scheme and all that in hiding-place and after, under the pressure of the public opinion, that was withdrawn. I had seen that of outside. I was quite content that one arrives from there there but I did not have nothing to do there. I am the intellectual who reflects in his ivory tower and which lets bottom people put the hands in dirty oil! [Laughter]

Cecile : there had been also a movement against the FRIEND whom I followed by far because I was not in Attac and I was more implied in Ras the Face. For me universalization that was not crucial. It is when I arrived at Science-Po which I was interested in Attac because it is a set of themes which one studies more universalization.

François : For the movement of the FRIEND, I had passed to side because there was no popular movement, there were press campaigns and in the intellectual networks but on Grenoble there no was militant translation of that thus I passed to side like many militants. In my daily work of militant, there was not matter to distribute leaflets. When you want to give a rather broad militant translation to something, it is necessary that it is there other people who are available and I think that nobody was available to work on top. The stakes were not obvious.

* ²⁸⁶ In spite of the binary structure of the demonstration, which opposes it  «  old  » mode of mobilization, with «  news  » forms, which was adopted in order to make more explicit the matter, the visible cut is not also clear.

* ²⁸⁷ Ibid, p. 199.

* ²⁸⁸ Ibid, p. 199.

* ²⁸⁹ «Of the members of South will prefer then to hang their banner trade-union if they go against unemployment, or that of the petitioners if they express against the law Debré». Ibid, p. 200.

* ²⁹⁰ Ibid, p. 200.

* ²⁹¹ Thus Michel Vakaloulis observes that during social conflicts of the Eighties ten, «  networks were well constituted around the defense of «  without  », constellation effervescent which joins together various associations with the radical practices (DAL, Droits In front  !  ! Committee of without home) of the political groups of extreme left and the trade unions engaged from their combative opposition, their situation of opposition, their need for leaving a catégoriel insulation or from a reflection on the implications related to their professional positioning  ». Béroud (Sophie), Mouriaux (Rene), Vakaloulis (Michel), op.cit, p. 183.

* ²⁹² One can quote the tops of the World Organization of Trade (OMC), the World Bank (BM), the International Monetary International Monetary Funds (the IMF) and of the Organization for the Co-operation and the Development in Europe (OECD).

* ²⁹³ One can quote for example G-8 which gathers each year the eight most industrialized countries planet or the top of Davos which gathers the economic personalities and the decision makers.

* ²⁹⁴ Cf, «  Oporto Al  : the war of the worlds  », Politis, 18/01/2001.

* ²⁹⁵Gus Masiah, president of the International association expert and enquiring technicians (Aitec), declared that «[demonstrations organized at the time of the against-tops] marked the entry in scene of the social movements  ; an alliance which found a point of organ at the time of the demonstrations of opposition to the conference of OMC in Seattle, at the end of 1999  : one attended a coalition in fact gathering of ONG, of the movements consumerists ecologists, peasants, of defense of the rights of «  without  », etc One saw the birth of a world social movement  ». Ibid

* ²⁹⁶ Cf, Observatory of universalization, Light on the FRIEND. The test of Dracula, Paris, the Spirit-rapper, 1998, p. 83.

* ²⁹⁷ The Observatory of universalization specifies that the project of the FRIEND comprises three shutters  : «  The first consists in granting to the agreement in negotiation the legal statute of the treaty, highest in the hierarchy of the sources of right. The second creates, beside the national means of recourse offered to «  investors  », an autonomous legal system interns with the FRIEND, who allows the industrial and financial groups carrying out transnational operations to quote the States in front of the courts of arbitration which are neither more nor less than international commercial courts. Lastly, the draft treaty sets up a very erudite device intended to give to measurements of deregulation a character of irreversibility and to make evolve/move the text of the FRIEND in the direction of a liberalization increasingly more complete  ». Ibid, p. 45.

* ²⁹⁸ One can suppose that the constitution of association would not be without relationship with this event. The launching of the association which was perhaps in preparation would have been decided because of the topicality which was favorable to the movement.