UN RENOUVEAU DE LA PARTICIPATION ASSOCIATIVE ? L'engagement et le militantisme au sein du comité Attac Isère

A renewal of the approaches of engagement and political participation ?

The founders of Attac insist on the choice of the associative form which is considered to be more flexible than the traditional modes of organization. Martine Barthélémy observed that the rise of the associative participation is explained, partly, by the adequacy of the values conveyed by the associative form with waitings formulated by the individuals. The generalization of the concept of « associative citizenship » account of this dynamism would return^22(*). According to Jacques Ion, while the traditional organizations were based on the anonymity of the individual and removed any autonomy to him, the specific individuality of the militant from now on would be taken into account^23(*).

Attac is, according to us, indissociable associative form. Its rapid progression would be explained by a defection of the structures partisanes and trade-union during the Eighties and Nineties and by the rejection of the practices of apparatus. The militants would allot to the organization of Attac a whole of associative virtues such as freedom. Engagement within Attac must be heard before just like an associative engagement.

In addition, it would seem that the claims supported by association are equipped with a dimension international (Tobin tax, cancellation of the debt, etc). These topics would answer according to Bernard Cassen waiting of « civil company »^24(*). But Attac would also represent a revival of « Utopia » to which certain slogans testify (« another world is possible », « it is about réapproprier the future of our world »). Attac would constitute consequently a revival of engagement in favor of the great causes.

Contrary to this type of engagement, Nonna Mayer evokes the rise of a militancy of the daily newspaper in which the militants «await from their engagement a concrete approach of the problems, near of realities and concerns daily»^25(*). According to it, engagement would raise of the proximity that people have with the «cause» and the claims for which they militate. This observation does not seem a priori to apply to Attac. One for concluding from it as much must that Attac would testify to an engagement with against current ? This pleasing report to put the question within the competences of engagement, i.e. motivations which led each individual to adhere to see to militate within the committee isérois. In addition, Daniel Gaxie considers that the engagement of the militants is not understandable starting from the only ideological mobiles to which they referent. According to him, the militants would profit from certain material remunerations or symbolic systems likely to give an account of their participation. How to account for the engagement of the militants within Attac? Can one attach it only to the promotion of certain values (solidarity, equity) ? Engagement within Attac meets it other needs ?

The comprehension of engagement within Attac, we make of it the assumption, perhaps made possible only while endeavouring to show the interests defended by the militants. It is a question of seeing in what the participation of the militants would not be limited to a intellectual engagement but would fall under a conflict of interests where the stakes are also material. Consequently, the proximity to which Nonna Mayer refers is perhaps one of the factors of the engagement of the militants. It appears also necessary to establish the benefit and the gratifications (material and symbolic systems) that the militants withdraw from their participation.

Lastly, the constitution of the movement would concern an unforeseeable spontaneousness. However, the sociology of the mobilization of the resources called into question the naturality of the organization of the social groupings^26(*). The groups never appear as found objects but they above all are built social. It is thus necessary to question the methods of emergence of association. Perhaps the leading article of the diplomatic World, the gathering of the founder members, the progression of adhesions answer certain strategies implemented by the founders of association. It is a question of seeing in which measurement Attac corresponds to a company of mobilization.

This last problem supposes to analyze the conditions under which the engagement of the militants took place. The claim of Attac to renew the associative participation must be judged with the ell of the social conflicts of the Nineties, which we will indicate by the term of « new social conflicts ». In addition, Attac falls under a broader movement of resistance to « universalization »^27(*). It is with the intersection of these two processes that a network of actor was set up^28(*). We will indicate, by simplicity, this network by the term of movement « anti-universalization » although it is denied by the actors to whom allot we it^29(*). We postulate a bond between the inscription of the individuals within networks of militance and their participation in Attac. As recalled by Martine Bathélémy « the individuals are not désincarnés, it is in the constitution of relations and by the identification with social statuses that they reach community life ^30(*)». This remark all the more justifies, an analysis of the militancy within Attac which is centered on a specific ground of research. The place of the room thus seems to have to be privileged in the comprehension of the engagement of the militants.

* ²² Barthelemy (Martine), op.cit, p.120.

* ²³ Ion (Jacques), p. 50.

* ²⁴ Bernard Cassen declares that «the idea of the combat against the financial enemy is a very federator topic», discussion with Bernard Cassen, in the left of the left, COp cit., p. 96.

* ²⁵ Nonna Mayer, changes of the militancy, p. 87.

* ²⁶ Nephew (Erik), Sociology of the social movements, Paris, ED the discovery, 2000, pp. 52-65.

* ²⁷ We give a subjective definition of the universalization but which is able to account for criticisms which are made to him  : «The term of universalization indicates the generalized process of deregulation and liberalization of the planetary economy, of which the ambition is to subject all the human branches of industry to the law of free trade and the profit. The principal not-governmental actors of this movement, of which the recipients in a number are restricted, are the international multinationals, institutions such OECD, the World Bank, the IMF, OMC, the think tanks like the forum of Davos, etc the problems related to universalization appeared in the agroalimentary fields (seeds and productions GMO, agro-industrial accidents insane cow, chickens with dioxane, suspect Coke...), financier (speculation, privatization...), social (social dumping, delocalizations, degradation of the public services, democratic absence of control...), environmental (plundering of resources)  ». Pirot (Patrick), «  What universalization  ?  », Politis, n°566, 16/09/1999.

* ²⁸ «  The networks are structures of social actors who, for ends of shared in the internal environment, propagate the transmission of resources strongly related structures  » Lemieux (Vincent), networks of social actors. Paris, University Presses of France, 1999, p.11.

* ²⁹ Cf, George (Susan), «  Violences in Genoa  : The liberal order with its low works  », The diplomatic World, 08/2001, p.1.

* ³⁰ Bartélémy (Martine), associations  : a new age of the participation, op.cit, p.75.