UN RENOUVEAU DE LA PARTICIPATION ASSOCIATIVE ? L'engagement et le militantisme au sein du comité Attac Isère

1.3.2 The influence of the trade unions in Attac

1.3.2.1 Trade-union recombining

The trade unions which took part in the foundation of Attac position like « critical » and « radicals » with respect to the trade-union power stations oldest. The cut, although it is not clear, between the trade unions « radicals » and « moderated » appeared at the beginning of the Nineties. It is at the time of the events of December 1995 that it appeared most projecting. The principal trade-union power stations were divided on the position to take with respect to the strikes. The secretary of CFDT, Nicole Notat, accepted the plan suggested by Juppe and did not call with the strike but it was contradicted by a broad part of its trade-union base. Marc Blondel, secretary of FO (working Force), and Bernard Thibault, secretary of CGT (general Confederation of work) called with the strike. However, as Daniel Bensaïd notes it, « if the Confederations (in particular CGT and FO) were found together in the street, there no was trade-union face able to propose a calendar of mobilization unitairement and to present a platform of common claims »^327(*). The traditional trade unions arose weakened these events. Their incapacity to act as concert with the associative sector highlighted it « major fracture between trade unions and the social layer of the unemployeds and of excluded »^328(*).

Following 1995, the trade-union landscape was deeply modified. Cleavages which had appeared between the trade unions accentuated. CFDT disunited emergent associative movements and continued to support more traditional organizations such as the Restaurants of the heart^329(*). Louis Vianet, secretary of CGT, occupied the role of coordinator of the social movements. On the other hand, it refused to grant its support for the movements of unemployeds of 1997 and 1998, which been worth many criticisms to him^330(*). No trade-union confederation took share with the constitution of Attac. The absence of position of Nicole Notat, did not prevent the dissenting trade unions of CFDT (Federation of the CFDT banks, FGTE-CFDT^331(*)) from taking part in the constitution of association. On the other hand, Bernard Thibault, after a meeting with the founders, incited to mobilize himself in favor of association. This is why, among the founder members appear several sections of CGT : Federation of CGT finances, SNPTAS CGT Equipment, UGICT-CGT (general Union of the engineers, frameworks and CGT technicians^332(*)). The bonds which association with CGT maintains are all the more important as Pierre Tartakowsky, member of the turnover to the title of the UGICT-CGT is a secretary-general of Attac; he had the load, as a person in charge member of the C.G.T., to structure association by equipping it with an apparatus^333(*).

On the other hand, the most recent trade unions took an active part in the foundation of Attac. They are the same ones which occupied the front of the scene during the social conflicts of 1995. They tried to weave bonds with associations defending the women's right, the immigrant workers or them without home. At the end of the social movements of 95, an European Public Service Union took place between South besides, the Group of « Ten », CGT, FSU and the current « All together » of CFDT. It acted for those which took part in 1995 to constitute a form of interprofessional organization being able to give again a dynamics with the trade-union militancy^334(*).

Among the trade unions founder members, appear the Group of « Ten » or South (Solidarity, Unit, Democracy). Pierre Khalfa is member of the turnover to the title of the European Public Service Union Group of the Ten, he is also member of the office. The teaching trade unions have a very strong representation in Attac, since FSU (unit trade-union Federation), the SNES (national Trade union of secondary education) and SNESup (national Trade union of the higher education belong to the founder members. Daniel Monteux, who is member of the turnover and the office, represents SNESup besides.

The trade union more mediatized in Attac is the Country Confederation (CP). The Confederation and Attac are very close in spite of their very distinct fields of intervention. The Confederation is, moreover, founder member of association. François Dufour is member of the turnover and vice-president of Attac, with the title of the Confederation. Association gave on several occasions its support for the agricultural trade union : during the arrest of Jose Bove, after the disassembling of McDonald' S, Attac took part in the collective of support which had been set up^335(*). In the same way, at the time of its lawsuit, the national office had to invite the members to join « with all the initiatives [...] of support for the militants put in examination »^336(*). In addition to the international mobilizations, Attac and the Confederation took several actions together on the topic of the GMO. For example, of the militants of Attac took part in several occasions with the mowing of planted corn fields transgenic^337(*).

A priori, one could think that the trade-union engagement of the Grenoble-native militants is directed, above all, on the most radical trade unions which took part in the launching of association. It of it is nothing. Among inquired, five had a trade-union engagement : Lionel militated within F.O, Laurent, Julie and Raymond militated in CFDT and Thomas militates in CGT. None the people interviewed already adhered to South, the FSU or the Group of the Ten. The trade union more represented (CFDT), is besides, that which seems more far from the standpoint of Attac^338(*). How to explain this paradox ?

First of all, one can notice that for inquired the choice of the trade-union power station does not seem paramount. It would seem that they more privilege, in their engagement, the fact that the trade unions are means of fight in the company. For example, the adhesion of Lionel with F.O, although it is spread out over a long period (1988-1998), does not seem representative of its trade-union preferences. Lionel affirms that it is not a question of an engagement « of conviction but rather by opportunity and facility » (F.O was the trade union represented best on its place of work). It adds besides that « that could have been CFDT ». One can note that Lionel was to express in 1995 in company of the CFDT militants. In the same way, Luc explains that what is important for him it is above all « the collective organization of the workers ». He A chooses to adhere to CFDT following the conflicts May 68 in which Luc « was recipient ». When the election took place in its company to determine the choice of a trade-union power station, in fact the CFDT was elected. Luc estimates that it was « nearer at the beginning than now ». The majority of surveyed committed syndicalement thus seem more to conceive their adhesion as being related to the company that to the trade union as tel. This preference for a trade-union militancy which is independent of the confederations would explain by a refusal of the politization of the trade-union stakes. That agrees besides with the will that Attac posts of « to reinvent the policy of the labor-union movement : « Repolitiser, in the current situation, cannot in no case to mean the return to allegiances or even to dependences vis-a-vis political parties, nor the control of the trade unions on a political party [...] It is thus a question of reinventing the policy of the trade unionism, by taking as starting point the defense of the interest of its members starting from the company »^339(*).

Luc : There was only CFDT in the box, it is a small box, one was 50. Me in 1968, I made strike pickets, without being syndicated. CFDT more or less required of me, insofar as they felt that I was recipient of a certain number of things, I were very well seen in CFDT but I did not adhere, I worked in Paris at Marcel Dassault. There was to be CFDT and CGT [...] For me the trade-union power station it is not important, which important it is the collective organization of the workers. I belong to CFDT in the beginning, perhaps that I of it was closer at the beginning than now, but I adhered CFDT at the time because one decided to make a first section and during votes to know which trade union to retain CFDT passed because it was much closer to than one thought at the time.

Lionel : Then, I returned to the «Safeguard » at the beginning of the Eighties. Association knew a very strong bureaucratization. It functions less on one democratic mode and self-management and much more on one personal mode, especially that which is located in Savoy. Vis-a-vis these problems I decided to adhere to Working Force. It was not by conviction but rather by opportunity and facility. It was really compared to my work because there were problems in association. That could have been CFDT but today not. Several demonstrations were organized and several meetings and but I never had national participation, moreover in 1995 I went to express in Lyon with CFDT. It was by chance because I knew people, the trade unions are represented in association according to the offices in fact. But I smelled myself at all in shift I left my trade union into 1998 little time after my adhesion with Attac because I did not want to engage me more but I left in very good terms.

Among those which militated in CFDT, only one is still currently adherent (Laurent). Julie and Raymond left their trade-union power station after having engaged in Attac^340(*). Julie left her trade union in 2000, after fifteen years of trade unionism. She regrets that there is a cut between the trade-union base and the national direction. According to it, it « operation [...] does not go any more of bottom upwards but [it] share of the top and the others do not have large-thing to say ». Julie considers besides that the local section CFDT « fact of the good job ». On the other hand, it disapproves the standpoint of the national secretary, Nicole Notat, who is located in « collaboration with the capacity in place » and which represents « the driving belt of employers ». Its resignation is in direct bond with its militancy since it explains why its trade-union membership seemed to him « contradictory » with its adhesion with Attac. Raymond, who was union representative of his company, left CFDT in April 2001. Its resignation is bound, partly, with the local operation of the trade union since it considers that it met too many difficulties on its trade-union work. Moreover, it disapproves the negotiations which took place between Notat and Medef. It estimates, also, that CFDT « return too much in the play of employers ». Laurent is only surveyed who approves the national union guideline of CFDT. He declares that its trade-union membership is «completely well assumed », and it adds that it « appreciate » positions of Nicole Notat. On the other hand, it considers that there is locally a toughening on the left which is awkward.

Among inquired appear several « disappointed » of the trade unionism. It would seem that they regret a too excessive centralism. Their adhesion with Attac can be thus to be perceived as the search for a new fashion of engagement in which the national direction and the base would be more in agreement.

F.E : If not you belonged to a trade union...

Julie: It was CFDT but I returned my chart. I returned it, one year ago because I found that indeed CFDT... I consider it regrettable that the spokesman of a group of mobilization that it is compared to the wage saving, compared to the modification of the mode of the retirements I find that it too is, for the moment, the driving belt of employers and I do not like at all that, therefore I die-syndicated. That made fifteen years, i.e. since I am here [...] Certain standpoint of Nicole Notat strongly displeased to me. Compared to the wage saving, compared to the questioning of the retirements, it is for the funds of pension and I said myself but... It is primarily that. For me it is in collaboration with the capacity in place and I find that there is today an operation which does not go any more of the bottom to the top but which leaves the top and the others do not have large-thing to say. And I find that his objective with Notat is to be made elect and to become minister of something, in the way in which it functions that is not possible differently. It is very épidermique. If not the CFDT section makes good job [...] For me that seems to me contradictory to be CFDT and in Attac, there I find myself me in a certain number of positions of Attac, even if I am not inevitably in adequacy with the national, I do not find any more high level of CFDT and I think that it is contradictory. CFDT agrees with the wage saving, Attac is not it and me I am not it.

Luc : I was union representative of the box. It was the trade union of the CFDT services [...]

F.E : On the other hand I do not remember when any more you stopped adhering to CFDT?

Luc: It was two months ago. Because I tested until the last moment of work with the base and one does not manage to work with the base [...] And I had envisaged when I presented myself and that I was elected secretary of the trade union, it was only if one managed to train the staff, if not I dropped. I think that it is to people who are syndicated to be caught in hand and it is not to people who are reprocessed to do the work for the others. I agree to spend time because there are people who are there, but I from would go away one day or the other. I have in my awaited opinion too much a long time [...] There would not have been all the problems of CFDT with the MEDEF which made blackmail and me I do not know an agreement so that CFDT negotiates within this framework there with MEDEF, that did not arrange the things. I find that CFDT returns too much in the play of employers

Laurent : In fact I had said to you that it is the first time that I adhered a movement but that is not true bus I adhered a CFDT and I was made elect trade-union representative within the framework of my trade when I was with the IUFM. It was three years ago. I am 32 years old. And there in CFDT I had the same problem that with Attac, I was confronted with people not only of the CFDT, there were two trade unions which were represented CFDT with the SGEN which is the branch of national education and the SIPP, it is the teaching trade union which is close to the Communist Party and CGT. And with them it was the same problem, they are radical and me I am not radical [...] Me I am syndicated in CFDT, assumed completely well with Nicole Notat whereas it is not badly called into question but me I appreciate [...] It is the same syndrome [in Attac] that for CFDT. Between the top and the base it is clear that the base is much more left. For the socialist party I do not know anything of it but for CFDT it is sure that it is an enormous difference.

F.E : Why have this trade-union engagement in CFDT chooses?

Laurent: Because it is that which corresponds to me best. CFDT and, the socialist party, all that is coherent. Moreover I believe that CFDT is adherent in Attac.

1.3.2.2 A trade-union network isérois not very dense

On Isere, the militants of Attac already organized unit actions with the assistance of the trade unions which appear among the founder members. For example, at the time of the social Forum of Geneva, in June 2000, of transport had been organized by Attac in bond with CGT and FSU. Thomas, who militates in CGT since 1978, considers that this unit action with the trade unions would not have been possible, a few years ago. It is because Attac, « ask the trade unions to position », that CGT was brought to « to put questions [...] and then [with] to position ».

However, it is with the country Confederation, that the local committee maintains the most reports/ratios. Common actions were carried out on several occasions. For example, the 28/03/2000, a conference of Jose Bove had been organized in a joint way^341(*). A conference on the GMO proceeded in 2001. Attac also expressed its support towards the militants isérois of the Confederation. Thus, the Attac committee wished « to express [its] solidarity » with respect to three militants of the country Confederation of the Isere which had been put in examination for the mowing of a field of colza GMO^342(*). Moreover, the committee had launched a call of support to subsidize the hiring of bus so that the militants of the Confederation can go to Millau^343(*). Before the appearance of the anti-mondialiste movements, the committee isérois of the Confederation had very few bonds with the Grenoble-native associations and trade unions. One can suppose, that it is by the means, inter alia, of Attac that bonds were gradually formed. Moreover, Thomas, who affirms to know many Grenoble-native organizations, acknowledges that before his adhesion with Attac, it did not have bonds with the Confederation.

Thomas : For example the trade unions which are founder members of Attac, therefore precisely they are in the founder members of Attac and it is that one can with them work on these questions of universalization. Because I am not sure for example that last year in Geneva, against OMC, a few years ago one could have perhaps brought people separately the FSU which is well with the fact of the problem of the marchandisation of education, one could perhaps not have brought about thirty people of CGT to express against OMC. I do not say that it is us who did it... I say that the fact that Attac raises these questions and requires of the trade unions to position and that there be founder members of Attac which are there, in particular the CGT trade union of finances, that allowed that CGT raises questions about that and then positions compared to OMC is thus then takes part with us in all that. It is not sure that they would have done it a few years ago even if if of course they had positions on OMC.

F.E : You knew them before the militants of the country Confederation? How you were brought to you meet?

Thomas: Not. Me I met the militants of the country Confederation in Attac, I had buddies who knew them front but which knew them like that to have met during demonstrations, but...

On the other hand, put aside with the Confederation, no local action could take place with the support of the trade unions, in particular of the oldest power stations like CGT or CFDT. Thomas, who wished to organize diffusions of leaflets in the factory where it works, did not receive the support of CGT, although it is adherent of CGT. On the other hand, it received the assistance of CFDT, owing to the fact that the local union of the company adhered to Attac Isere. François reproaches to the militants of the committee isérois for not having tried anything to organize one « concrete labor » with CFDT and CGT. It puts in comparison its preceding associative experiment at Ras the Face with the situation within Attac. It estimates that the militants of Short-nap cloth the Face had succeeded in «weaving a strong bond with the trade unions at the base, locally ». Actions were carried out regularly with the trade unions, within the companies, and one « social bond » had been established. In the Attac committee, in spite of the presence of trade unionists in the turnover, François considers that there is not a true bond. It explains this paradox by two reasons. First of all, the trade unionists who are adherent in Attac, are present in association only at individual title. There is not thus a true representation of the trade unions as such. Moreover, there is not, according to him, a will on behalf of the militants of the Attac committee to work in bond with the trade unions. François considers it regrettable that members of the committee isérois « think of having the monopoly on these questions » (which is related to universalization) and in fact sound « pre-square » without «others [do not have] really their word to be said ». It would seem, that there is an attempt on behalf of the local committee to represent in an exclusive way the anti-mondialiste network.

Thomas: On a side, on the trade unions, there are founder members as with CGT or South or certain sections of CFDT... In Nerpick on the other hand one tested because there are leaflets of Attac which are distributed because CFDT Nerpick returned to Attac and one distributes leaflets. Me I am in CGT and I distribute leaflets of Attac. But one counted... And me I still count on the sections of company and trade unions so that CGT from time to time makes diffusions but CGT nothing whole... Nothing! Nothing! All the demonstrations which one made since February 1999, CGT as a trade union took part in no initiative with Attac. There are members of the CGT which comes with us but on a purely individual basis [...] Most of the time the local persons in charge do not have a bond and do not want to intend to speak about Attac. Whereas with CFDT one has bonds and one starts to be invited and recognized.

François: A thing had been made nevertheless a success of that Attac still did not engage, one had succeeded in weaving a strong bond with the trade unions at the base, locally. Attac has trade unionists in his direction and there are very few bonds with the Confederations. There are bonds with South and FSU, South because it is a modern and radical trade union in which you find libertarians, the people of extreme left or simply of disappointed of CGT. There is very little bond between Attac and CGT or CFDT, if not none. Me I think that that comes from Attac, I think that the Confederations are sclerosed enough and so that they move, it takes them time. Us, one made pressure on the trade unions and one said to them that compared to the problems of racism in the companies one can work together. Thus one made a concrete labor with these people-there. There were exchanges on the material which one could produce together and then there was a social bond, one was present regularly and as that people were not confined in their medium. In Ras the Face there were trade unionists and there is also in Attac and one had another step and they were there with the blessing of the departmental union of the trade union, they were there to establish the link. Attac does not have this step today and it is a pity. Perhaps that on the level of the leaders they have it, between Thibault and Bernard Cassen they must meet but it is not in the culture of Attac of saying that at the local level one will make a pole anti-universalization with all those which fight on different topics, for example CGT on the topic of the stock exchange dismissals. There is no offensive step in this direction. Attac thinks of having the monopoly on these questions, it is its pre square and it is in Attac to manage its claims and the others do not have really their word to say. In any case one did not establish footbridges to work together.

This lack of bonds with the trade-union network is also found in the relations which the group maintains « campus » with the student trade unions. Cecile, it responsible for this group, explains that it does not maintain any relationship with the three principal student trade unions, the UNEF-Id, Solidarité coed (SE) and South. She positions in withdrawal with respect to these three trade unions. She considers that the UNEF-Id wishes above all to recover associations of the campus^344(*). She is in disagreement with SE on the subject of the universal allowance of study. Finally it defines the militants of South as being « aristocrats [...] in the direction where they are very scorning with respect to the students ». On the other hand, Cécile estimates that actions are possible with these trade unions provided that that is made in a unit way. For example, it thinks that a joint action would have been possible at the time of the boycott of the Danone products. That would have made it possible, according to it, to be « complementary » without to be located on « the same ground ».

F.E : On the other hand, with the trade unions, they are present with the student trade unions? You have reports/ratios?

Cecile: No report/ratio! It is rather odd besides. Me I would have imagined that people, like those of the UNEF-Id, would come a little to Attac campus. For example with the UNEF-Id, they are very in bond with S.O.S racism there are many people Unef Id who are with S.O.S racism [...] For the moment, people of Unef Id do not come to Attac [...] And then, South, on the campus, finds reformists a little treacherous. Lastly, I exaggerate a little... [Laughter]. Not they is true, Southern are really very radical [...] And thus, there are not bonds with them because it is a political positioning; for them, to assert the Tobin tax is to use the system and that, they do not want any. I simplify, it is more complicated than that. Blow, one does not have a bond with the student trade unions [...] I was to see the student trade unions because I thought that it was important to militate and I had been to see Solidarité Coed and South and I had hallucinated on their practices. I found that they did not make trade unionism studying like the chains of inscription, on a case-by-case basis to make to defense students, floor on the reforms of the university and me that obstructed me. Me I always found that Southern was very intello and they are beside the plate on things. They are limiting aristocrats for me in the direction where they are very scorning with respect to the students.

F.E : But you make them shade, a little, with the trade unions?

Cecile: Not, because one does not act on the same ground! [...] The studied trade unionism, it is the defense of the rights of the students initially then after they are political positionings. But it is not at all the same vocation as an association like Attac. Me I think that there is a complementarity. That would have been well, for example, that one works with the student trade unions on the subject of Crous or Danone. It is a subject which is in extreme cases of what can make a student trade union; because it is on the campus and that that concerns the students alone. If one had been solicited by a student trade union or that one had bonds with a trade union studying on this subject, one could very well have made a joint action. How there are not these bonds there and that South does not intervene on the campus and Unef Id intervenes but not on this ground! [...] But me, I think that is not to make shade, one could be very quite complementary on an action [...] Not! An action with only one studied trade union, it is always a little difficult. It is a trick in binomial, you see, just with a trade union, it is feasible, but me I think that it is always better, for example in the unit field, when there are several associations or trade unions or parties. It is better because you do not have an association which is made directly, me that saoulerait me that one is associated Unef id, you see, that one would have to make only with them; on the other hand one could make a unit action with them.

Grenoble-native Attacants carry out few common actions with associations, but especially the trade unions, buildings. The organizations which founded association in a national and local way, seem to have very little influence in the life of the committee. Why the national leaders grant such an amount of importance to the adhesion of other associations and the members of the Grenoble-native committee if little? It is necessary to seek, according to us, the reasons of this divergence in the various representations of associative engagement.

* ³²⁷ Bensaïd (Daniel), «  Liberal Counter-Reformation and popular rebellion  », in New left review, n°215, 01/02/1996. City in Aguiton (Christophe), Bensaïd (Daniel), the return of the social question, op.cit, pp. 104-122.

* ³²⁸ Aguiton (Christophe), op.cit, p. 131.

* ³²⁹ Michel Charon, secretary national of CFDT, devalued associations protesters such as the DAL or Rights In front  !  : «  Without anything to propose the alternate one, new associations do not build anything. CFDT cooperates with associations of invention like the Restaurants of the Heart to the concrete and effective intervention on the ground  ». Charon (Michel), «  New Social Movements, hussards of here and now  », in CFDT Magazine, n°216, June 1996.

* ³³⁰ Cf, Béroud (Sophie), Mouriaux (Rene), Vakaloulis (Michel), op.cit, p. 146.

* ³³¹ Herve Alexandre is member of the turnover to the title of the FGTE-CFD

* ³³² Jean-Christophe Chaumeron, the representative of the Federation of CGT finances, is member of the turnover of Attac.

* ³³³ Tartakowsky was high in a communist militant culture. His/her father, journalist with humanity, were one of the organizers of EGO, the organization of PCF for immigration. His/her mother, responsible CGT, took part in the rebuilding of the power station to the release. It was made known, like man of apparatuses, at the beginning of the Eighties, by its participation in the resumption in brutal hand of Antoinette, the female monthly magazine of CGT, for part of the team had been laid off to have wanted to apply the line of opening, decided by George Séguy at the time of the 40e congress. Then taking its distances with orthodoxy under Louis Viannet, it was regarded as a protestor preaching the restoration. Maintaining better relations with Bernard Thibault, it approached its trade-union power station. Moreover, it left PCF in August 1991, after the putsch missed against Gorbatchev. Cf, Monnot (Caroline), «  A man of apparatus  », The World, 5/06/2000, p. 6.

* ³³⁴ «Our idea is that interprofessional dimension must take a greater place  : the movement was interprofessional and this trade-union revival was to leave the forms of restoration. The idea is to constitute a form of confederal organization where the great federations or the national trade unions would be found  ». Aguiton (Christophe), «  The point of inflection of November-December 1995  » in Former Future, n°33-34, 01/1996.In Aguiton (Christophe), Bensaïd (Daniel), the return of the social question, p. 122.

* ³³⁵ Monnot (Caroline), «  Left «  mouvementist  » supports the country Confederation  », The World, 23/08/1999, p. 5.

* ³³⁶«  Attac interdependent of Jose Bove and the militants of the country Confederation  », Lines of Attac, n°8, 09/2000, p.3.

* ³³⁷ Destruction took place at the end of August in the department of Drome, the militants of Attac brought together in Arles for the summer school of association came them «  to lend hand-strong  ». Serafini (Tonino), «  In Drome the GMO are torn off with the shovel  », Release, 27/08/2001, p. 1.

* ³³⁸ One can note that the situation of the people interviewed corresponds to the results of the quantitative survey carried out by Thomas Marty. Indeed, among the Toulouse militants of the sample, the trade union represented best is the CFDT (64% of the trade unionists which was surveyed are adherent in CFDT), followed by CGT and South with respectively 21,4% and 14, 3%. Cf Marty (Thomas), op.cit, p. 100.

* ³³⁹ Gallin (daN), «  To reinvent the policy of the labor-union movement  » in Attac, Against the dictatorship of the markets, the argument-Syllepses-Vo editions, 1999, pp. 103-121.

* ³⁴⁰ It is also the case of Lionel which left F.O «  in very good terms  » a few months after its adhesion with Attac.

* ³⁴¹ Cf, Report management 2000

* ³⁴² Cf, Attac Isere, Letter with the members, 05/2000.

* ³⁴³ Attac Isere thus could gather the sum of 8843 F. cf, Attac Isere, «  Estimated result 2000  », «  Management report 2000  ».

* ³⁴⁴ Cecile estimates that the UNEF-Id recovered «  politically  » the section of the campus of S.O.S-Racism.