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UN RENOUVEAU DE LA PARTICIPATION ASSOCIATIVE ? L'engagement et le militantisme au sein du comité Attac Isèrepar Eric Farges Université Pierre Mendès France - IEP Grenoble - 2002 |
To express in GenoaThe national direction of Attac had wished to deal with the organization of the against-top of Genoa. A place of appointment was used as HQ with association508(*). It is where the militants isérois could on their arrival receive information on the mobilizations envisaged and the methods of lodging. The actions were organized by the direction of Attac France and Attac Italy. A briefing took place before each action. The course of the demonstrations was explained to the militants509(*). Certain security instructions were also indicated (teargases, reactions to be adopted in the event of violences). Finally formations with non-violence were proposed to the militants who were voluntary. A service of a nature, composed of militants of association, had been organized in order to interpose between the demonstrators and the police officers. It took the shape of a long human chain which surrounded the Attac procession during the demonstrations510(*). Attac belonged to the organizations which did not wish to penetrate in the red zone. This is why the actions organized by association during the against-top concerned a dimension symbolic system primarily. For example, it was decided to prepare a crossing of the enclosing wall of the zone using releasing balloon511(*). The second « action » of the militants was « to make hear » within the city. It was a question of producing a maximum of noise using various objects (key, bottles, etc) vis-a-vis the latticed wall. However, at the end of a certain time, the militants discouraged themselves. A feeling of impotence seized the demonstrators512(*). At this point in time some chose modes of action more « violent one ». Militants of Attac tried to dismount the grids. Members of the service of order interposed for preventing some. Projectiles were then launched over the grids to reach the police officers. They were essentially plastic bottles, however certain hooded militants launched ignited projectiles (These militants are probably not those of Attac). The police force then retorted by sending some teargases and by aspergeant the militants using water cannons. The disputes between militants and police officers then were gradually spaced and calms was restored. The militants then approached towards the exit point513(*). Hooded demonstrators benefitted from the sway in the crowd for launching projectiles (perhaps of the explosive products). The police officers retorted. A movement of panic then took place. The street (which was the only emergency exit) was too narrow so that all the demonstrators can pass and of people started to hustle itself. Several remarks can beings made starting from this account. First of all, there exists within the militants certain divergences of appreciation. For example, Christelle who is member of the turnover isérois, refused to express within the Attac procession. She preferred to accompany Tutte bianche of which she considers the methods more radical and more effective. These divergences reappeared besides during a meeting which followed the demonstration then at the time of the university of Arles514(*). Militants wished on behalf of Attac a more claiming mode of action and less symbolic system. On the other hand, the majority of the militants isérois who were present in Genoa chose a strategy of non-violence. They took part in the demonstrations and with the actions symbolic systems organized by association and behaved in way legalist. Following these events, the militants considered that they were going to be more and more brought to face the problem of violence. There in order to be able to face, they plan to follow a formation to the techniques of non-violence515(*). The repertory of action of the militants does not appear appropriate to the international mobilizations. Indeed, those Ci have recourse to a traditional mode of protest (founded on the number and the demonstration). However, it would seem that he is not very effective at the time of the against-tops. The militants who refuse to resort to violence find disabled at the time of the demonstrations516(*). There is a shift between the mode of protest used and the configuration of the international mobilizations. What reflects this situation, it is, according to us, the absence of a repertory of action which is specific to the militants of Attac. The originality and the innovation of the mobilizations as those of Genoa make perhaps essential a revival of the modes of action. « The singular acquires a scientific value when it ceases being held for a spectacular variety and that it reaches the exemplary statute of variation » Canguilhem (George), « Singular and singularity in biological epistemology », in Studies of stories and philosophy of sciences With U term of this reflection, it is possible to call in question the revival of the participation to which Attac would testify. However, before all things, it is necessary to recall that this investigation relates to the committee Attac Isere specifically. The conclusions brought here do not have the claim to be valid in all places. Certain specificities of the local committee were highlighted besides (a strong opposition to the national direction, an associative local area network relatively weak, a distinctive standpoint concerning the role of the people morals in Attac). On the other hand, certain observations which were made can be extended to the whole of association; for two reasons. On the one hand, the committee Attac Isere reflects certain characters which are common to the whole of association (supported claims, the place of popular education, etc). In addition, specificities of the committee made it possible to wonder about certain aspects which could have passed unperceived. For example, the militants isérois are very attached to the topic of the internal democracy. Without the taking into account of this problem, the comprehension of the relations between the room and the national would not have been possible. In short, the defended idea is that the individual relevant remainder to give an account of social phenomena of greater width. Specificities which the individual one is carrying are thus not obstacles with knowledge but they define the conditions of possibility of them. Consequently, one can try to establish certain distinctive features of the engagement of the militants starting from our observations; one will be able to then propose an interpretation allowing to give an account of it. That Ci of course requires several confirmations before being able to be validated517(*). Initially, it is necessary to point out the principal evolutions which characterize the current forms of engagement. Those will be used to us as model to qualify the engagement of Attacants518(*). Jacques Ion could observe a revival of engagement through the participation of the individuals in the networks519(*). The existence of the networks is not recent. The Communist Party already had a constellation of associative and trade-union units which were subordinate for him. However, the networks knew deep transformations. From now on the networks are more founded on a community of interests that on an ideological allegiance. The heteromorphous networks supposed a central organization which can be used as referent with the various groupings (it was generally about a political party)520(*). Contrary, the isomorphous networks constitute starting from autonomous organizations the ones with respect to the others. Those Ci do not result from the network, as it was the case previously, but they preexist to him. These evolutions make possible the taking into account of specificities of each organization and each member. The membership of a network does not seem any more one constraint for its members. Besides this evolution translates the new place of the militant within his organization. Jacques Ion also noted an inversion of the militant values521(*). Freedom, pluralism, autonomy replaced the practices of « apparatus » which characterized the traditional modes of organization. From now on, operation excludes centralization from the decisions; the collective participation is put forward. The abandonment of a too rigid hierarchy, the refusal of centralization go hand in hand with the assertion of the militant as an actor. In fact, these two evolutions structural (new networks and the new place of the militant within the organization) testify to emergence of a new method to the associative participation. While the militant was previously that which « adhered » with its organization, i.e. which coexisted with it, the new militants are characterized today by their autonomy. The constitution of the organizations is carried out from now on starting from specific regroupings on specific claims. This evolution represents the emergence of a set of themes to act it « here and now »522(*). One would pass thus, according to the expression of Hannertz, from a seizure of the individuals in anonymous terms of atoms to a seizure in terms of actors moving. The model of the participation is not from now on any more that of the engagement militant, which required the self-sacrifice with the profit of « cause », but of a distancié engagement523(*). The individual is not only any more the object of his organization, it becomes the actor about it. Its singular personality is from now on developed. Distancié engagement and the figure of the militant who is dependant for him (less adherent and more actor that object of its organization) translate the advent of a new age of the participation. Several observations lead us to think that Attac is distinguished from this model. Attac was born from the gathering of a unit from trade unions, associations and publications. The first members were people morals besides. Thus it was possible to federate several movements within a network. However, this mode of organization presents some limit. The participation of the founder members was decisive for the structuring and the launching of national association. Without this Attac network would probably never have existed. However, it appears much less prégnant at the local level. It would seem that the committee isérois is relatively « closed » with respect to the whole of the Grenoble-native network. Of course unit calls are regularly made up, of the bonds exist with certain organizations (country Confederation). One is however very far from a network similar to that which launched association. Very few actions are truly carried out in a collective way. The bonds which exist between the organizations do not locate between the militants but between the leaders. Indeed, and it is there the second limit of this network, the transitivity of adhesions appears very weak. Inquired do not seem to correspond to the model described by Jacques Ion. Indeed, the militants do not cumulate various adhesions as that is the case within the new networks524(*). It would seem that this bulk-heading between the local committee and the Grenoble-native associative network is explained by a will of demarcation of the militants and by the fear of being compared to the other organizations. The associative network is thus more present on the national level that on the local level. Its role was above all of « to launch » association. The working procedure of association also betrays the observations formulated by Jacques Ion. It proves that inquired attach much importance to the topic of the internal democracy. Besides their engagement seems to be related to the virtues that incarnates the associative mode. However, this speech seems to have to be called in question taking into consideration effective practice of the militants. The operation of association, so much at the national level than local, is at against current of the evolutions which the organizations know. The personalization of the leaders, the lack of group decisions, the little of place granted to the militants, the blocking of the statutes are as many signs manifest of this paradox. These last remarks encourage us to wonder about the relation which exists between the room and the national. It proves that the cut between the militants and the national direction is obvious. Roberto Michels had already been able to observe that any organization is dedicated to adopt an oligarchical operating mode i.e. which a minority adapts the direction525(*). « head » autonomise gradually of « mass » until in being definitively crossed. The search for Michels with our subject is besides striking. Michels had wondered about the fact that a party (the German party social democrat of the beginning of the 20th century) which wished to express the interests of those « of in bottom » can lead to a very hierarchical organization. It would be perhaps the same for Attac. In spite of the questioning of the traditional organizations, one attends a reproduction of the practices of apparatus. The operating mode of Attac is connected in unquestionable connection with the parties of mass described by Maurice Duverger526(*). The base of these parties resides primarily on the number of members. They are characterized by a strong centralization of the decisions, a valorization of formal adhesion and finally by the place which is granted to the contributions. These elements were highlighted within the committee isérois. The parties of mass are characterized by a strong concentration of the capacity to the profit of a minority. This cut between the top and the bottom of the political parties testifies according to Bourdieu to a domination between the leaders and the militants527(*). That Ci is of nature symbolic system. The legitimacy from which the constituents profit is a charismatic legitimacy which is based on equipments in cultural capital unequal. This relation of domination between leaders and directed is according to us presents within Attac. Contrary to the set of themes of the reappropriation which constitutes an objective of association, one could observe that popular education does not lead to an increased feeling of competence. It would even seem, that the relation of domination symbolic system is some reinforced. This remark can be put in connection with the parties of mass which are also characterized, according to Duverger, by the attempt to provide to its militants a political education and to learn « the means of intervening in the State »528(*). The political education which was dealt with by the parties of mass can be brought closer to popular education. It thus appears difficult to affirm that Attac represents a revival of the forms of organization. Its structure is connected even with very old modes of the organization partisane. The militant practices testify to same ambiguities as the form of association. The actions carried out by the militants isérois concern two distinct repertories of actions. On the one hand, they testify to a revival of the modes of action which is not specific to Attac but which was already inaugurated by other movements such as the DAL or the country Confederation. The symbolic system occupies a dominating place in these mobilizations. In addition, the actions of the committee isérois remain attached to a more traditional repertory of action. For example the number (demonstrators, members) remains the factor of legitimacy of the defended cause. The mobilizations of mass (petitions, demonstrations) constitute an important mode of action within association. The modes of action thus belong to two distinct registers. This ambivalence appeared during the international mobilizations. With this occasion, the militants are confronted with situations in which the traditional modes of protest (demonstration) appear inadequate. Certain groups made the choice of violence. The militants of Attac which are legalists refuse to resort to this mode of action. However, they are vis-a-vis a dilemma : to renew their mode of action without going against the values to which they are attached. With the question engagement within Attac testifies T it to a new age of the participation associative? We will answer this : the engagement and the practices of the militants attest of a mode of participation which is between two ages. Attac falls under contemporary social conflicts. Operation in network of association, the place granted to the symbolic system and the media but also the extent of the defended claims confers to him an important place in the revival of the participation. However, Attac is attached to a mode of organization and protest which remain anchored in traditional forms. The singularity of the movement thus does not lie in its innovation but in this double filiation. That Ci leads sometimes to contradictions to which are confronted the militants. However, it is by the going beyond of these contradictions that a revival of engagement can occur. The entry in a new age of the participation is at this price. * 508 Cf, appendix n°24, photograph n°2. * 509 Cf, appendix n°24, photograph n°3-4. * 510 Cf, appendix n°27, photograph n°14. * 511 Cf, appendix n°26, photograph n°5-6-7. * 512 This remark does not rest on a personal impression but it is based on discussions with militants later with the events. * 513 It would seem according to remarks' of Luc that people announced that the service of order of Attac organized folds of the militants. This proved to be false. * 514 Not having been able to attend the summer school 2001, these remarks were reported to us by militants of the committee isérois. * 515 The militants of the committee isérois had already made contact previously with the community of the Arch which proposes formations with the techniques of non-violence. * 516 The demonstration which took place on July 21 is finished by the release of movements of panic. The Attac procession was then disseminated. The group of the militants isérois was also divided. Disputes took place between anarchistic groups and the police officers in the medium of which were taken certain pacifist demonstrators. The militants isérois did not know how to react; they then tried to turn over to their camping. Their mode of peaceful protest was in shift with violences which took place. * 517 « Within the framework of a qualitative research, the proof of the validity of the results is difficult to provide in an immediate way : it is not the test of validation which is judged, but the reliability of the models drawn from the observation. The social models require many confrontations with very diverse authorities [...] But there are instruments [...] the main thing is the model saturation. The latter are disengaged gradually from the observation. To the beginning, they very fuzzy and are unceasingly called into question by new observations. Then they become more Nets and are stabilized, the facts confirming the broad outline, and clarifying the points of details; until the moment when it is possible to consider that there is saturation : the last data collected do not learn anything any more or almost. This stage the researcher tested to him even the validity of the results ». Kaufmann (Jean-Claude), understanding maintenance, Paris, ED Nathan, 1996, p. 29. * 518 We point out here the revival of engagement such as it is described by Jacques Ion and Martine Barthélémy. Cf, Ion (Jacques), end of the militants ?, op.cit. Bathélémy (Martine), Associations : a new age of the participation, op.cit * 519 Cf, Ion (Jacques), op.cit, pp. 35-50. * 520 Ion (Jacques), op.cit, p. 49. * 521 Cf, ibid. pp. 67-72., * 522 Mayer (Nonna), « Changes of the militancy » in Men and freedoms, n°97, 1998, p. 88. * 523 « The distancié model supposes as for him untied individuals their memberships, developing private means, being mobilized punctually on objectives limited for one determined duration, privileging the direct action and the even restricted immediate effectiveness ». Ion (Jacques), op.cit, p. 100. * 524 It is a question here exclusively « new » militant (in question to question the innovation) for which Attac represent an alarm clock of the participation. One can in addition note that among inquired, those which cumulate several adhesions and that we described as being professional militants, do not correspond either to the model described by Jacques Ion. Indeed, in spite of their various adhesions, surveyed remain inserted in the same ideological network. The remark that made Jacques Ion in connection with the old styles of organizations seems to apply to them : « Of course, the associative pluri-membership was already often the rule in fact but it occurred inside the conglomerates, the detention of several charts not making whereas to translate the various ways of expressing an socio-ideological membership, the intensity of the investment in such or such satellite grouping often reflecting a kind of division of the labor militant according to the socio-professional trajectories or the sex ». Ibid, p. 49. * 525 « The organization is the source from which is born the domination from the elected officials on the voters, of the agents on the constituents, of delegated on those which delegate them. Who says organization says oligarchy ». Michels (Roberto), political parties, Paris, Flammarion, 1971. * 526 Duverger (Maurice), political parties, Paris, A. Collin, 1957, 1ère ED. 1951, pp. 84-85. * 527 Bourdieu (Pierre), « The political representation. Elements for a theory of the political field », art.cit, p. 6. * 528 Duverger (Maurice), op.cit, p. 85. |
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