Memoire Online - UN RENOUVEAU DE LA PARTICIPATION ASSOCIATIVE ? L'engagement et le militantisme au sein du comité Attac Isère

rles, August 25, 2001, 11h00. Julie is attentive, it scrupulously notes on a book the demonstration of the professor. All appears clear to him. The events are connected in a logical way : the monetary system of Bretton Woods, the fluctuation of the currencies, the stock exchange speculation, the crisis of the debt of the countries of the South, the capital flight towards the tax havens. Jean-Marie Harribey, professor of economic and social sciences at the Bordeaux-Iv university, endeavors to explain in a teaching way the international financial mechanisms leading to a capitalism « stock-broker ». In spite of what one could believe Julie is not coed in economic sciences, it is a welfare officer. She attends the second summer school of Association for the tax on the financial transactions (Attac) which proposes with its militants a cycle of teaching devoted to the world economy and baptized « Against the influence of finance, an economy with human purpose ». During four days, 700 militants, gathered with the Palate of the congresses of Arles, will daily attend six hours of courses followed by specialized workshops and directed work. Environment is being studied. Julie wishes above all « réapproprier » the economic topics of which assumed during too a long time them « experts ». In the immense room, transformed for the occasion into amphitheater, the ideas fuse : « Not, universalization is not an inescapable fact. One can resist ! », « The world is not goods ! », « The rights of the people take precedence over the economic profit », « Another world is possible ».

Association however is not anchored in the world of the ideas. The formation is only one of multiple dimensions of the militancy. Attac, as recalled by unceasingly Bernard Cassen, his president, is « a popular movement of education turned towards the action ». Julie estimates that its economic formation constitutes during logic of the actions which it carries out on the ground. Because these apprentices economists are militants of « in bottom » above all. They represent the 230 local committees of association which essaimés themselves on all the French territory since June 1998, date of the launching of Attac. Julie came besides to Arles with ten militants the committee Attac Isere. During the previous months, the committee with multiplied the initiatives : conferences, distributions of leaflets, demonstrations local. The militants isérois also were to protest their dissatisfaction in Genoa in July, at the time of the top of G8. Julie was not afraid to accompany them in spite of foreseeable violences which caused a death and six hundred wounded. She belongs to faithful which answered present as of the launching of association. Julie then did not hesitate to engage. « awakening » of the misdeeds of the economy brought to militate in favor of the tax of the movements of capital, the cancellation of the debt of the Third World or of the dismantling of the tax havens. Julie is however not professional militancy. After its fifteen years of trade unionism in CFDT, it is presented in the form of a one disappointed of engagement. Its refusal of the compromises, its mistrust with respect to the political parties then found a loophole in the associative form of Attac, « less constraining and more flexible ». Less than one year after its Julie adhesion returned her chart of the CFDT, of which it judges the secretary, Nicole Notat, too « compromised ». Contrary, Attac represents for it a regrouping of citizens decided to exert one « countervailing power » on the decisions of the government^1(*).

At the beginning, a leading article

A leading article published in the diplomatic World in December 1997 would be at the origin of Attac^2(*). In this article, heading « To disarm the markets », Igniacio Ramonet, the director of monthly magazine, showed the stock exchange speculators to be responsible for the economic crises. In conclusion, it proposed with its readers, the idea of a tax on the movements of capital called Tobin tax: «Why not create, on the planetary scale, the not-governmental organization of Action for a Tobin tax of assistance to the Attac citizens. As connection with the trade unions, associations with cultural, social or ecological purpose, it could act like a formidable civic special interest group near the governments to push them to claim, finally, implementation the effective of this world tax of solidarity. »^3(*). This proposal was then taken again by other media and it accepted the support of many individuals and varied organizations (associations, trade unions, newspapers), all loans to support this initiative.

A first meeting took place in Paris on March 16, 1998 with the invitation of the Diplomatic World and an agreement was elaborate between the participants. The project of a charter making it possible to the founder members to adopt a platform of common claims was considered on this occasion. It was a question of constituting the Attac movement which took the following definition : «Association for the Tax on the Financial Transactions for the Assistance with the Citizens». The General meeting constitutive of June 3, during which the statutes of association were deposited, allowed to elect a provisional Board of directors in which the founder members sit in a permanent way. Moreover, Bernard Cassen, general manager of the Diplomatic World, were elected president of association and Ignacio Ramonet, the initiator of Attac became honorary president.

The structures of operation of association were then installation. The Office chaired by Bernard Cassen ensured the management of association. The scientific Council chaired by Rene Passet, professor highly skilled at the university Paris I, was established. Its role is to produce a whole of documents which can be used of base and reference to the claims of the movement. The creation of « committees Attac » a local development of association allowed. In December 1998, statutes standard were worked out for the local committees and a charter of the relationship between these committees and national association was made up.

Association is then launched, it will know a very fast progression. First of all, the number of members knew an exceptional growth : in August 1998, Attac accommodates its thousandths member, in June 1999, the threshold of the 10.000 members is crossed. Association exceeds the 20.000 members in February 2000. In August 2001, association asserted the figure of 38.000 members^4(*). National meetings took place between the members. The first meeting (October 17, 1998) and the first sitted ones (General meeting of October 23-24, 1999) proceeded in Ciotat (Rhone delta). The General meeting of the year 2000 take place with St Brieuc (Coast-in Armor) in October. Two summer schools were organized, the first in the city of Ciotat (August 23-26, 2000) and the second in Arles (August 24-28, 2001)^5(*).

In parallel the national direction of Attac multiplied the initiatives. It launched in December 1998 a petition for the tax on the financial transactions which collected 110 000 signatures and that a delegation of Attac gave to Laurent Fabius, then president of the French National Assembly, in autumn 1999. In November 1999 at the time of the top of OMC in Seattle, a whole of unit demonstrations were organized in all France, generally on the initiative of the local committees. They gathered 70 000 people, including 20 000 in Paris. Lastly, of many works were published by Attac. They make it possible to diffuse work of the scientific Council of association, but also to present association at the not-members.

Presentation of oneself

What seems surprising a priori in Attac, it is the dynamics which one allots to him spontaneously and who makes of it a phenomenon^6(*), successes story^7(*) or a start up citizen according to words' of Bernard Cassen^8(*). This innovation would originate in the conditions in which appeared the association of which here some signs forerunners: « the volume of mail (a several thousand of letters or message) receipt in the diplomatic World after the publication, in December 1997, of the leading article to the requirement « To disarm the markets » in which Igniacio Ramonet suggested, like one launches a bottle to the sea, the creation of an association which would be called Attac, both « T » referring at the time to « tax Tobin » ; the immediate availability of the personalities and the publications, organizations trade-union and associative contacted in order to take action on the summation that the readers made with the newspaper create Attac, and not to await a hypothetical creation by others (what was by no means considered in the beginning and explains the obligation in which quickly was the author of these lines to imply itself in this company) ; the speed with which an agreement was found on the statutes, the platform constitutive and provisional direction of association ; more symptomatic still, the facility with which the decision-making bodies of the various organizations founders ratified the proposals of their representatives to the discussions »^9(*). A call sent to the citizens, thousands of letters, the immediate regrouping of a whole of organizations : the launching of Attac is connected with a fairy tale of which nobody had envisaged the extent of the success. The course of the continuation of the events was going to raise of the same unpredictability as that which marked the emergence of association^10(*). Consequently, Attac is described as being an association marked by the seal of the innovation, because of its original organization and of the engagement which it causes.

First of all, the initial spontaneousness of the movement would have made possible the emergence of an organization whose form is not easily qualifiable. Attac is presented as being a flexible association allowing the setting in network of the individuals and the organizations which take part in it^11(*). In addition to the individual members, association succeeded in gathering more than thousand organizations starting from the same charter^12(*). Moreover, in response to the centralism and the hierarchy of the traditional organizations (trade unions, parties) a flexible operation would have been privileged. Indeed, the counterpart of the not-recognition of the local committees (which do not appear in the statutes) would be the important autonomy of action they have.

But the principal originality of Attac would be to have allowed a revival of engagement. The most obvious sign of this alarm clock of the participation is the exceptional progression of the number of adhesions. Whereas the topic of the crisis of the participation appears like a leitmotiv, the media do not hesitate to speak about a return of engagement. Some see there a movement with counter-current of the political parties and to the lifelessness of the great structures partisanes and trade-union, they oppose the strength of associative engagement^13(*). Others propose the return of the participation of the young people in the political life, such as for example this magazine of women's magazines which titrate: «You Engage! You re-engage! : one had not seen that since the Seventies. At the city as on the screens, political engagement becomes again a value [...] Enquête into a phenomenon of young mass»^14(*).

Attac would have made possible not only one revival of engagement militant but also a new engagement type. The participation in Attac would escape all existing classifications. It acts, first of all, of an engagement which does not rest on affinities partisanes but whose principal spring is it « citizenship ». The associative participation should consequently be heard as being a categorical imperative which is binding on each member political community. Attac would be thus a regrouping of citizens aiming at putting an end to « tyranny of the financial markets ». Engagement within Attac would not be forcing contrary to a political adhesion. It would constitute an engagement « nonpoliticking policy »^15(*).

Moreover, the speech of association grants a big part to the figure of the citizen « credit » i.e. which does not limit its participation in the only electoral gesture. The militant of Attac is a citizen who testifies to a will to take part and of « réapproprier future of the world ». For that it does not hesitate to associate « information, formation and the action »^16(*). Attac would thus constitute one « popular movement of education turned towards the action ».

Lastly, one of the characteristics of Attac would be its imperceptible territorial dimension. The citizen falls under a national community in which it takes part. He is also attached at a local community. As recalled by Bernard Cassen, although Attac was launched initially in a national form, the local committees took over very quickly: « When Attac was born, one did not know what that was going to become! Very quickly, one was surprised by success but also by enthusiasm and the will to act of people themselves. The first committees are create in a completely spontaneous way, before even as we envisaged the existence of it »^17(*). With this local citizenship, the emergence of a world citizenship is added whose Attac would constitute one of the demonstrations. The engagement of Attacants would testify to a «new style of militance and to an associative world which again carries to act beyond the borders »^18(*). Certain leaders of Attac see there even the emergence of an international news of the people.

The representation of the citizenship such as it is spread in association implies a reflection on the territorialisation of the participation. The goal of each militant would be of « To think total and act local »^19(*). However how the inscription of engagements in the room is carried out ?

A comparative study

The accession act in Attac marks the inscription in a national community (and even international). As Jacques Ion notices it, the membership of an association always passes by fastening to one « basic sociability ». The model of associative federations which developed under IIIéme République articulated one « pole member » national and one « Community pole » local^20(*). Within Attac, the act militant seems to be registered in a privileged way on a local scale. Indeed, the local committees are charged with « to carry » claims on the territory. The comprehension of the militants is thus indissociable medium in which they fit. This is why the ground of investigation more appropriate to our research must sufficiently be restricted and circumscribed to take into account the specificity of the militants. Moreover, this ground must sufficient present common points with national association so that a filiation can be made between the two. The study of the committee Attac Isere answers these criteria.

The committee Attac Isere east, first of all, appeared in November 1998, a few months after the creation of national association. It is also on the initiative of a whole of organizations, which are for the majority founder members of Attac, that the committee isérois was set up. It knew a progression, in terms of manpower, similar to that which took place on the national level. Attac Isere counted 200 members in January 1999, then 590 members in 2000 and 820 in February 2001.

A research cannot relate only to the committee isérois. The interdependence of the room and the national implies to articulate in the same reflection two dimensions of association. The study of the committee must make it possible to release certain elements which will be relevant in comparison with the national organization. It is a question of seeking the resemblances as much that the divergences between Attac Isere and Attac national. It thus appears necessary to take into account the characteristics of the room. The committee Attac Isere has for example a specific mode of organization. The statutes which were adopted are not those of local association or other committees. Moreover, some of its standpoint go against those of the national direction. These dissimilarities testify, of course, of specificities of the local committee, but they also make it possible to take the measurement of the effectivity of the innovation that Attac claims to represent. They thus do not constitute a limit with the comprehension of engagement within Attac but its condition of possibility. It is by a comparative approach between the room and the national that it is possible to question the alleged innovation of the movement.

A new age of the associative participation ?

The attribute which would qualify Attac most adequately would be that of the innovation. It would as well give an account of the originality of the associative form of the movement as of the singularity of the engagement of the militants. Besides this engagement seems to be at against current of the traditional and contemporary modes of participation.

Up to what point can one speak about a new age of the participation associative^21(*)? In what this revival is it expresses within the committee isérois?

To wonder about Attac thus amounts examining the innovation which is allotted to him, in order to distinguish the share from it from the nine and old. For that, it is necessary to adopt a double comparative step in which the committee isérois will be used as referent. We will carry out a first comparison between the speech held by association and its effectivity at the local level. In addition, it appears paramount to confront the characteristics of the national organization with the committee isérois.

A renewal of the approaches of engagement and political participation ?

The founders of Attac insist on the choice of the associative form which is considered to be more flexible than the traditional modes of organization. Martine Barthélémy observed that the rise of the associative participation is explained, partly, by the adequacy of the values conveyed by the associative form with waitings formulated by the individuals. The generalization of the concept of « associative citizenship » account of this dynamism would return^22(*). According to Jacques Ion, while the traditional organizations were based on the anonymity of the individual and removed any autonomy to him, the specific individuality of the militant from now on would be taken into account^23(*).

Attac is, according to us, indissociable associative form. Its rapid progression would be explained by a defection of the structures partisanes and trade-union during the Eighties and Nineties and by the rejection of the practices of apparatus. The militants would allot to the organization of Attac a whole of associative virtues such as freedom. Engagement within Attac must be heard before just like an associative engagement.

In addition, it would seem that the claims supported by association are equipped with a dimension international (Tobin tax, cancellation of the debt, etc). These topics would answer according to Bernard Cassen waiting of « civil company »^24(*). But Attac would also represent a revival of « Utopia » to which certain slogans testify (« another world is possible », « it is about réapproprier the future of our world »). Attac would constitute consequently a revival of engagement in favor of the great causes.

Contrary to this type of engagement, Nonna Mayer evokes the rise of a militancy of the daily newspaper in which the militants «await from their engagement a concrete approach of the problems, near of realities and concerns daily»^25(*). According to it, engagement would raise of the proximity that people have with the «cause» and the claims for which they militate. This observation does not seem a priori to apply to Attac. One for concluding from it as much must that Attac would testify to an engagement with against current ? This pleasing report to put the question within the competences of engagement, i.e. motivations which led each individual to adhere to see to militate within the committee isérois. In addition, Daniel Gaxie considers that the engagement of the militants is not understandable starting from the only ideological mobiles to which they referent. According to him, the militants would profit from certain material remunerations or symbolic systems likely to give an account of their participation. How to account for the engagement of the militants within Attac? Can one attach it only to the promotion of certain values (solidarity, equity) ? Engagement within Attac meets it other needs ?

The comprehension of engagement within Attac, we make of it the assumption, perhaps made possible only while endeavouring to show the interests defended by the militants. It is a question of seeing in what the participation of the militants would not be limited to a intellectual engagement but would fall under a conflict of interests where the stakes are also material. Consequently, the proximity to which Nonna Mayer refers is perhaps one of the factors of the engagement of the militants. It appears also necessary to establish the benefit and the gratifications (material and symbolic systems) that the militants withdraw from their participation.

Lastly, the constitution of the movement would concern an unforeseeable spontaneousness. However, the sociology of the mobilization of the resources called into question the naturality of the organization of the social groupings^26(*). The groups never appear as found objects but they above all are built social. It is thus necessary to question the methods of emergence of association. Perhaps the leading article of the diplomatic World, the gathering of the founder members, the progression of adhesions answer certain strategies implemented by the founders of association. It is a question of seeing in which measurement Attac corresponds to a company of mobilization.

This last problem supposes to analyze the conditions under which the engagement of the militants took place. The claim of Attac to renew the associative participation must be judged with the ell of the social conflicts of the Nineties, which we will indicate by the term of « new social conflicts ». In addition, Attac falls under a broader movement of resistance to « universalization »^27(*). It is with the intersection of these two processes that a network of actor was set up^28(*). We will indicate, by simplicity, this network by the term of movement « anti-universalization » although it is denied by the actors to whom allot we it^29(*). We postulate a bond between the inscription of the individuals within networks of militance and their participation in Attac. As recalled by Martine Bathélémy « the individuals are not désincarnés, it is in the constitution of relations and by the identification with social statuses that they reach community life ^30(*)». This remark all the more justifies, an analysis of the militancy within Attac which is centered on a specific ground of research. The place of the room thus seems to have to be privileged in the comprehension of the engagement of the militants.

The investigation of ground

The first stage of this study was first of all the collection of materials of research necessary. Existing work on Attac was too distinct in their subject or them « ground of investigation » so that it is possible to use them^31(*). In order to collect sufficient information and data we had recourse to the newspaper cuttings which were collected^32(*). These documents made it possible to carry out a history of the movement, but also to determine the image of Attac within media space^33(*).

In addition, we proceeded to one « immersion » within association, in its national dimension but especially in the local group isérois while attending many meetings^34(*). Moreover, it was of primary importance to accompany the militants during mobilizations in order to observe their mode of action^35(*). During these mobilizations and of these meetings, many observations and catches of notes were carried out. It is they which made it possible to work out the principal assumptions of research. Was the goal of these observations, on the one hand, to note how the militants are organized (i.e. to examine the course of a debate, the way in which an action is organized) and, on the other hand, of considering the relations which the militants maintain between them within the local group (which is user-friendliness? Which reception is reserved to the new members ? Which place oldest occupy ?). It was also possible to gather a whole whole of first hand documents such as leaflets, reports/ratios, but also of the works published by association. These documents had three functions. They have, first of all, allowed a better knowledge of information (claims, statutes). They also constituted a means to determine which image and which presentation of oneself the persons in charge for Attac wish to give association. Lastly, the documents intern allowed to know starting from which speech the militants were mobilized.

In order to collect information near the militants, it was possible to be registered on a mailing-list named Attac-talk^36(*). The most important source of information on the militants of the local committee was a series of talks which were led from April to at the end of June near nine members isérois. Those were retranscribed in their quasi-integrality and appear as an annexe^37(*). The talks occupy a sufficiently important place within this research so that we explain the step of it.

The diversity of surveyed

The first encountered difficulty was to find sufficient individuals wishing to be interviewed. In spite of an intervention during a general meeting and the distribution of a mail to the militants, only two volunteers presented themselves. It was necessary to take a step of word of mouth which was shown more profitable. On the other hand, only a refusal was opposed because of a too overloaded timetable^38(*).

Vis-a-vis the complexity and with the richness of the singular configurations, the constitution of a representative sample according to traditional criteria's (age, profession, marital status, residence) appeared not very relevant^39(*). This is why it seemed preferable to gather a great level of diversity.

First of all from the point of view of age groups represented, the sample can be divided into three groups: people of less than twenty-five years which are « inactive » (Cecile, Isabelle) ; an intermediate group, the 25-40, which are in the active life (Francois, Laurent) and a group of more than forty years which are towards the end of their active life (Thomas, Julie, Fabien, Lionel, Luc). Taking into consideration socio-professional category, two people interviewed are students (Cecile, Isabelle), two work in teaching (Laurent, Fabien), two in the associative sector (Lionel, Julie), two in the private sector (Francois, Thomas) and one inquired is with the retirement (Luc).

In consideration of engagement in Attac, and it is the most important criterion in the choice of the interviewed people, one surveyed falls under an adhesion « passive » (Fabien), i.e. without there being participation in the actions or the meetings, falls under an increasing phase of militancy (Laurent), one in a downward phase (Isabelle), which we will compare to a possible defection, three are located in what one could call an engagement « moderated » (Lionel, Francois, Cecile) and three in a strong militant activity (Julie, Thomas, Luc).

Finally with respect to the last militant experiments of each people interviewed, four fall under a last fort militant and structured an enough network of militancy. They cumulate sometimes adhesions in associations and could be compared to « professionals » of the militancy (Thomas, Francois, Cecile, Luc), while five do not have a last fort political militant, associative or trade-union and do not cumulate by adhesions ; they are thus compared to « beginners » (Julie, Fabien, Laurent, Isabelle). One can already note that among the four professional militants, one (Thomas) had an adhesion with the revolutionary communist League (LCR) with which it still maintains the relations, while the two others (Francois, Cécile) are also militant with the LCR. The political positioning of these militants « professionals » very is consequently clearly targeted.

The talks proceeded^40(*) either in the residence of the interviewed people (Laurent, Isabelle, François), or on their place of work (Thomas, Fabien, Julie, Lionel), or in my residence (Cecile), or still in FSU where Attac holds its room (Thomas, Luc). Their duration was rather long since shortest of the talks lasted a little less than two hours (Isabelle^41(*)), while the others lasted between three and four hours, it thus acts there of thorough talks. This duration which can at first sight seem excessive explains by the objective of research.

Systems of representation

The method of semi-directing maintenance appeared most adequate in this research. It was a question of connecting the representations which carrying are surveyed with those which are diffused by the national direction and of which we already traced some tracks (spontaneousness of the movement, fastening to popular education). We wished to know which were the common representations which constitute the signs of the existence of the same militant culture^42(*). In the same way, the differences in representation can translate certain conflicts. The second comparison which appears necessary is that which is carried out between the militant representations and the behaviors. We leave the assumption that the representations are equipped with a sufficient explanatory force to account for the attitudes^43(*). Need for investing lived of inquired, the search for a climate of « confidence » sufficient force to adopt a mode of sufficiently free speech^44(*). This is why the talks were carried out on a semi-directing mode and that their duration is often long. The number of surveyed was also voluntarily restricted in order to allow a more detailed analysis of the sample. The objective was not to obtain a representative but varied sample. As recalled by Sapir, « if an individual testimony is recorded [...] that does not want to say that one attaches weight to the individual, adult and singular entity, but that one takes it for sample of the community ».^45(*) Lastly, one can note that the recording and the retranscription of the talks were considered to be essential since they constitute the essence of material of research. Inquired did not have any reserve to be made record^46(*).

The setting in question (S) of engagements

In order to be able to direct the course of maintenance, we made the choice press us on a guide of rather detailed maintenance which can index the principal questions which led us to meet inquired^47(*). However, we proceeded to the majority of the talks without this guide, while having with the spirit its unfolding. What interested us was less to obtain precise answers to our questions to penetrate and include/understand the mental representations which direct inquired in their militancy^48(*).

The talks can be cut out in two topics. A first whole of questions related to the engagement of surveyed and their participation in Attac, this part occupied the three quarters of the maintenance time. From the put questions, the talks followed rather different courses bus each one of them was directed towards the specificity of surveyed^49(*). Of course, the majority of them developed long passages on the claims of association but those Ci do not appear entirely in the retranscription of the talks. The remarks made by the militants are connected sometimes too much with an ideological speech « official » to be able to be the subject of a sociological analysis^50(*).

The second part of the questionnaire was devoted to lived specific of the person interviewed. This part corresponded to a biographical maintenance, it aimed to trace for the each inquired broad outline of its past militant, its social and family origin, or of its electoral behavior, and to thus allow recontextualiser its engagement^51(*). A too static approach and « réifiante » of the militants, i.e. who would do nothing but take note of what they are, is not ready to include/understand how they managed to militate in Attac and which direction they gives to their engagement. It is only by one consideration of the militants in term of professional, social and militant trajectories, that it is possible to proceed to the genealogy of their engagement. It is a question of tracing the bond which exists between the direction that they give to their adhesion with Attac and their biographical course (social origin, course militant, professional).

The grid of maintenance knew several modifications during the investigation. The initial instruction is the question having been modified more. It related to, during our first talks, the representation that inquired has of its engagement («How you represent yourself your engagement within Attac? »). However it was inadequate because certain people interviewed did not answer directly the question ; it is the case with François^52(*) who answered the question while referring to his past or Isabelle who asked to reformulate the question. Did the instruction being too fuzzy, it appear preferable to question the militants on their functions and their participation in the committee isérois («I would like to know your implication and your participation in Attac? » with will Laurent, «Already, I ask you for your functions within Attac Isere? » with Thomas). This starting point was more suitable because it made it possible to penetrate directly in the sharp one of the subject, i.e. the life of the isérois group.

The comprehension of the engagement of the militants isérois requires a double interrogation. Initially, it appears paramount to analyze Attac as an associative mode of organization. How to explain the specific mode of organization of the committee isérois ? The structuring of association raises T it only of one unforeseeable spontaneousness or does it answer the installation of certain strategies? Up to what point T it is distinguished from the traditional modes of participation (political trade unions and parties)? Which importance the associative form represents T it in the engagement of the militants ?

It will be possible, in the second time, to question the innovation of the participation within Attac as such. In which context the engagement of the militants has T it take place ? How networks gradually appeared ? The engagement of the militants answers T it same logics (social, individual) that the forms of traditional engagement or in what is distinguished from them T it ? Witness T one a renewal of the militant practices local or national? In short, it will be a question of examining which is the revival of the modes of participation.

1 a renewed associative form?

The national direction defines before any Attac like one « association of citizens ». The expression returns to a legal form instituted since July 1, 1901 and whose organization spread^53(*). But an association, it is before a a whole meeting of interests and wills common. It is the same for Attac which before being a legal being composed of statutes and payments translates the expression of a common will. One can underline spontaneousness besides that the movement knew during its creation. Thus, this association, before being an organization, would have been born from a whole of citizens who testified to the same desire to engage. The Diplomatic World would have played only one part of catalyst of the individual wills. However, the constitution of Attac it would have concerned other wills only of those of its members ? Behind the apparent spontaneousness of the movement, it is not not possible to highlight strategies of setting in scene ?

1.1 The setting in scene of the movement

« For us, modern, the myth is only myth because we cannot connect this time any more to that of the history such as we write it according to the critical method, nor to either connect the places of the myth to the space of our geography ; this is why the myth cannot be one explanation any more ; to exclude its etiologic intention, it is the topic of very necessary demythologisation. But by losing its explanatory claims the myth reveals its exploratory and understanding range, which we will further call his function symbolic system, i.e. its capacity to discover, to reveal the bond of the man with his crowned. As paradoxical as it appears, the myth thus demythologized in contact with the scientific history and raised to the dignity of symbol, is a dimension of the modern thought »

1.1.1 The «call» of the Diplomatic World

The first factor of setting in scene of association is, according to us, the Diplomatic World which is at the origin of the launching of Attac. The article of Ramonet, published in December 1997, is considered besides by the militants a text founder. However, it is necessary to wonder about the processes by which this leading article was made up like a reference symbol. But, before that, it is necessary to briefly analyze the nature of monthly magazine in order to include/understand in which intellectual background was born association.

1.1.1.1 An associative cultural reference

The Diplomatic World is a monthly magazine devoted to the international problems. It was created in 1954 per Hubert Beuve-Méry, who is also the founder of the daily newspaper the World. It was replaced by Claude Julien, then by Ignacio Ramonet who is the current president. « Diplo world », as its readers call it, is a publication which always arised like « independent » and « critical » concerning the topicality and the evolutions of the contemporary world. It knew a strong progression of its sales, 200.000 specimens in France. In addition, there is ten editions abroad which enable him to add up 500.000 specimens. One can observe certain similarities between monthly magazine and Attac. First of all, the journalists of the Diplomatic World often occupy of the stations in the structures of association such as the scientific council or the board of directors^54(*). Moreover, the subjects which are tackled by association and monthly magazine recut to a significant degree. The Diplomatic World develops very critical theses on the topic of the financial globalisation whose Attac made its war-horse; it in particular took part against the neoliberalism. The articles stigmatize the consequences with liberalization and liberal universalization : the impoverishment of the Third World countries^55(*), the economic hegemony of the United States^56(*), it « marchandisation » of education^57(*), the international^58(*) multinationals, financial organizations^59(*), etc All these topics are found, as we will see it, among the claims defended by Attac.

The Diplomatic World seems to constitute a common intellectual reference within association. The near total of surveyed affirm to know and read this monthly magazine. Only one person interviewed is not a reader of the Diplomatic World. She in particular expresses, in her answer, a feeling of embarrassment which can let imply that she is not integrated into this common culture. Moreover, Isabelle adhered in order to better know association but it felt in shift with the militants that it met. During maintenance, it states not to feel integrated into the world militant of Attacants.

This common reference exceeds the militant circles, because it is divided by certain members who are not engaged in the local committee. For example, for Fabien, which is a professor of economy in faculty, the reading of the Diplomatic World is « stimulative ». She brings a speech in shift to him with « the conformism of the economic thinking ». The monthly magazine traces consequently a bond (symbolic system) between the simple members, like Fabien, and the militants. On the other hand, the militants of the committee isérois develop another use of this publication. They present the reading of this monthly magazine like belonging to their «formation ». That allows them réapproprier an economic culture which is missing to them. They do not read, moreover, that the articles having a relationship with the topics defended by Attac. The reading of the Diplomatic World represents in their eyes a tool militant with the help of which they «sharpen » their sales leaflet. For example, during debates in public meetings, it is not rare that a militant refers in an article which it read recently.

Thus, the Diplomatic World fulfills two functions distinct with the glance from association. It constitutes, first of all, a intellectual reference which makes it possible to be attached to a group of sympathies. In addition, some use it like a tool for formation and integrate the reading of monthly magazine in their militancy. These two uses are not, of course, contradictory but complementary.

These observations call a remark : the presence of a common culture within Attac returns to the first significance of « adhesion ». To adhere^60(*), it is before very being identified with a whole of cultural referents and symbolic systems that allots a grouping. Jacques Ion notes that this representation of adhesion is not any more setting in the most recent organizations^61(*). On the other hand, it was particularly present in the French Communist Party. Marie-clear Lavabre, in a work devoted to the sociology of the communist memory, could note that PCF set up an intermediate group equipped with a specific culture^62(*). Adhesion with the party meant integration at a community of individuals. Maurice Halbwachs speaks about « emotional community ».^63(*) The spring of engagement was the similarity. The reading of the diplomatic World does not constitute of course a vector of integration as important as the reading of Humanity. However, one can suppose that the monthly magazine contributes to the definition of a collective identity.

Fabien: I do not read it regularly bus if I read it regularly it would irritate me, therefore I read it from time to time, it comforts me in certain connections. One finds there a speech a little different from all that one is overpowered, it is a refreshing speech, especially for the economists because one lives nevertheless in a kind of conformism of the economic thinking which is very strong. And when one can find ideas a little bit different, they are can be stimulative.

Luc: In the Diplomatic World, the articles which are in our mobility I read them. [...] I it course and if I find things interesting, all the articles which enable me to sharpen my sales leaflet in the discussions on universalization.

François: The diplomatic World, it is read per many people. There are some who make a purely intellectual use of it, [...] and then you have of them others which make use of it like a tool for the militancy, and me it is rather on this side that I am located [...] But it is a tool of militancy, intellectual formation, exchange...

Thomas: I think that it is a monthly magazine of reflection which gives well us the arguments, which poses many basic problems and which makes the turn of the subjects.

The militants relate, however, a glance very different to nature from the newspaper which they sometimes- consider with regret too «intellectual ». Several inquired consider that the Diplomatic World is located from the critical point of view without this one being accompanied by a whole of counter-proposals on the topics approached. Moreover, they estimate that it is about a too pessimistic newspaper, giving a vision of the man and world which appears sometimes very dark. Some also observe that the analyzes which are developed there are too manichéennes and are connected too much with denunciations. It would seem that one can bind this critic to the lack of proposals formulated in monthly magazine.

Thomas : They are not either militant in the direction where there is not at the end of the paragraph, to avoid doing that, you see... It is each one which makes what wants with that. But the general conclusions go in the direction of saying «That cannot then last because one goes towards the catastrophe», that it is a little serious and there are subjects which they tackle, you see that at the philosophical level they say that the human being it is not pretty, pretty and that, that undermines me a little the moral one and you say yourself, it crowned bastards there [...] The human being is really stupid at times.

Fabien : I recognize that Bernard Cassen expresses itself in a very negative way [.] It gives itself a little the beautiful play and the diplomatic World is a little like that. They say «It is not as that which should be done» but they are rather not very explicit on the proposals. This known as ? it is often, which people are well in the critical part but are disappointing in the proposals part.

Luc: I read the Diplomatic World, but that did not lead to nothing the whole... I regularly bought it during two or three years, it is in 1974 [...] The Diplomatic World, it did not lead to nothing, because one made analyzes and it did not launch anything behind to change something. I did not feel the possibility of changing something on top [...].

Cecile: I think that it is a very good newspaper. I agree overall with the articles [...] After there are things with which I agree less, for example Serge Halimi it irritates me, he has a side denunciation which irritates me, he gives goods and bad points to everyone. It is a side a little, here are the impure ones of the ground!

One can notice that no inquired a regular reading of monthly magazine has^64(*). This is partly explained by criticisms formulated previously but also by the fact why the Diplomatic World constitutes a difficult reading of access. Thus certain militants make the point that the articles are very dense and that it is necessary to carry out several second readings in order to be able to assimilate the contents of it. Moreover, of the people interviewed, such Fabien, consider it regrettable that the articles are too repetitive and that universalization became it « goodwill » of monthly magazine.

However, it is after having adhered to association that certain readers are fidélisés. For example, Luc read the Diplomatic World in the middle of the Seventies. He decided to stop, at the end of a few years, because « that did not lead to nothing the whole ». Since its adhesion with Attac, it reads it regularly. This observation confirms our assumption^65(*). Adhesion requires the adoption of certain values and certain referents. This process constitutes the condition of the integration of the member to association, as a human grouping. Identification with this group, i.e. the feeling to be member for it, thus seems more a construction like one given immediate^66(*).

The reading of the Diplomatic World thus concerns as well a personal training of a phenomenon symbolic system; it fits in the cultural field of the members^67(*). It traces between them a common intellectual reference. The reading of monthly magazine preexists for many people interviewed to their adhesion. Several found besides their bulletin of adhesion in the pages of the newspaper as it is the case for Fabien, Luc, Laurent and Julie. For others, on the other hand, the reading of the newspaper followed their adhesion. The reading of the Diplomatic World seems an initiatory rite of entry or fastening to association as a group of membership. Jacques Ion, who studies the evolutions of the militant structures, accounts for the integration of the individuals in a collective structure by the constitution of an abstracted entity, it « Us »^68(*), which is characterized by a very strong proximity between the members. A whole of practices organizes this sociability and brings a naturality to the group by equipping it with a «common repertory »^69(*). The reading of the Diplomatic World belongs to this whole of rites which integrate each individual into Attac as a intellectual grouping and militant. Its reading constitutes a manifest sign of engagement in the grouping.

It is within this ideological and cultural screen that will appear the birth certificate symbolic system of association.

Fabien: I do not read it regularly bus if I read it regularly it would irritate me, therefore I read it from time to time [...] In this moment I did not read it, I read it in an intermittent way. I have my periods «Diplomatic World» and then after I drop during a certain time. I should not have read it since three or four months. It speaks much about the claims and of the international movements but it is normal because they is a little their goodwill [...] But I have an impression of repetition nevertheless, because in fact often the same topics return. Thus one can stop during a certain time and when one begins again to find oneself immediately in mobility.

Thomas: It is a newspaper which I buy from time to time, every two months, because to digest all that there is inside and then that does not give me the moral one !

Julie : Maintaining the World Diplomatic I read very regularly since I adhered to Attac. I entirely do not read it bus already that it is necessary that I read 3 to 4 times an article for integrating well and thus it takes time.

Luc : Then I read nevertheless during step badly time the Diplomatic World, and then I gave up the reading of the Diplomatic World because I was fed up to read articles which appeared very supposed to me but which made an analysis from what occurred in all the countries and the world and which was always similar... And then I had some enough because that did not lead to nothing the whole and thus I was fed up!

1.1.1.2 Construction symbolic system of the origin

In 1997, whereas the monetary crisis and financial part of Thailand is propagated in all the Southeast Asia, Igniacio Ramonet signs in the Diplomatic World of December a leading article entitled « To disarm the markets »^70(*). In that Ci, Ramonet condemns the financial universalization led by four international economic institutions which «speak with one voice [...] for exalter «virtues of the market » » : The International Monetary International Monetary Funds (the IMF), the World Bank, the World Organization of Trade (OMC) and the Organization for the co-operation and the economic development (OECD). In order to stop the drifts of the financial speculation, it proposes to found a tax on the financial incomes : the Tobin tax (of the name of an American economist which made the proposal in 1972 of it). In order to set up this one, it finishes the leading article by a proposal : « Why not create, on the planetary scale, the not-governmental organization of Action for a Tobin tax of assistance to the Attac citizens. As connection with the trade unions, associations with cultural, social or ecological purpose, it could act like a formidable civic special interest group near the governments to push them to claim, finally, implementation the effective of this world tax of solidarity «. This proposal met a favorable echo near many readers and was taken again by other media. Letters of support arrived: individual mails, letters of associations, trade unions, newspapers, all loans to support this initiative. The drafting of the Diplomatic World, in collaboration with the publications Charlie Hebdo, Politis and Transversales, organized in March 1998 a first meeting in Paris. Association Attac (Action for a Tax Tobin d' Aide with the Citizens) was created on June 3, 1998^71(*) around a collective of publications, trade unions and associations. With this occasion, the first structures were installation: a Board of directors, a provisional office as well as the scientific Council.

Thus is presented the constitution of Attac in the official documents of association^72(*) and it is also as well as the press in returned account^73(*). The leading article of Ramonet is proposed as being the origin of Attac. It is qualified, a posteriori, of «call »^74(*). It is about a very connoted term since he returns to the movements of popular resistance like «the call of 18 June» launched by Gaulle. This leading article also constitutes a common reference in the militant culture of Attac. Much of inquired evokes it spontaneously, concerning the Diplomatic World. It would be the starting point of association and would have caused at many readers a start « citizen » which would have led them to engage. It was the case for example of Lionel which was since the Eighties in a phase of « sleep » militant. The reading of the leading article had on him a very strong impact. It qualifies its reaction of « awakening or of meeting with something ». This article thus had on the engagement of Lionel, which adhered one month after the creation of Attac, a very important role.

However, the others inquired acknowledg not to have read the leading article during its publication and those which traversed it did not react to its reading. It is astonishing that the article of Ramonet is presented like the starting point, not only of association, but also of the engagement of the militants whereas it had very few consequences on the members. The booklets of Attac commemorate this date symbolic system of December 1997 like a reference impossible to circumvent of association. This presentation is connected with a work of symbolization. It is a question of making leading article of the diplomatic World a reference in the militant culture of Attacants. If it seems a symbol of the foundation of Attac, which is worth in Ramonet to be regarded as the spiritual father of Attac, it is not as well by the effective repercussions as it had on the engagement of the militants than because it was built as tel.^75(*) It appears as the starting point of which all left but also like a reference within the collective memory association.

The narration of the launching of association is connected with a myth which is not easily credible. How to explain that the name of association appeared already in the leading article ? How to return account owing to the fact that a consequent number of associations immediately joined with this proposal ? It is probable that the project of this association was former to the leading article. Preparatory meetings probably had to take place between the persons in charge for several organizations. It is dangerous to speculate in the origin of association, but it would be naive to adopt the idea that a leading article can launch an as well structured association as Attac.

The birth of association thus concerns primarily the symbolic system. It was put in scene by a whole of processes aiming at conferring a dash on its launching. The spontaneousness and the innovation which were allotted at the origin of Attac from now on will seem the specific qualities of the movement. These attributes are prolonged in the presentation which is made association.

Lionel : Yes, moreover I had read the leading article of Ramonet and it had a very strong impact on me. It was very in connection with many questions that I was posed then. Its reading was something of... very emotional for me! That was a little like a meeting or awakening with something, something of very extremely.

F.E : There had been a édito of Ramonet which had been rather known «to disarm the financial markets», you had read it?

Thomas: I had read the édito of Ramonet but I had not reacted more than that and it is after by hearing people speak and by seeing that many people reacted compared to that... If not I left a little cast time and after I took my adhesion in 1998.

Julie : I read the Diplomatic World from time to time and I intended some to speak like everyone in the Diplomatic World, I know that there had been the declaration... finally the article of Ramonet but I had not read it because I did not read it regularly.

1.1.2 Presentation of oneself

1.1.2.1 Fastening with popular education

The official publications describe Attac as «an association which wants to be a popular movement of education turned towards the action»^76(*). By this name the leaders wish to fall under the continuity of «associations and federations « histories », which was devoted to the formation with the citizenship during decades »^77(*). However, it would not only be a question of continuing but also of renewing the idea even popular education. Thus, Bernard Cassen judges that the movements of popular education «did not know to be articulated with the social movements of these last years which, them, want to be direct actors of the active citizenship, here and now, on the most various grounds.»^78(*). These movements « histories » would be in shift with the trade-union organizations, which are « as much of « schools » of citizenship » and with associations born of « social movement » (associations of unemployeds, of « homeless person », of « without-papers »)^79(*). This is why it suggests that Attac renews the forms of popular education by registering this one in the action and them « current fights ». « originality of Attac would be to have joined together these three « mobilities » around an objective in which they all can be recognized : « to reconquer lost spaces of the democracy to the profit of the financial sphere »^80(*).

The reference to popular education being one of the principal characteristics of Attac, it is probable that it occupies an important place in the engagement of the members. However, during talks, very little of surveyed refers spontaneously to this set of themes. When inquired are questioned on this topic, the majority recognize that this reference is legitimate. However, the representations of what is popular education are very heterogeneous. Thomas perceives popular education as, above all, being intended to the not-members of association. It is a question, according to him, of informing people so that « they can then position ». Lionel thinks that it also makes it possible to the members to be formed. Popular education does not seem to have the impact that one could have waited on the engagement of the members. Indeed, inquired pay before all the topic to the militancy and the modes of action which association proposes. None evokes popular education as being a spring of its personal engagement. Luc observes, however, that he was already member of a popular association of education « who wanted to be also, turned towards the action ».

On the other hand, several people interviewed adopt a critical glance with respect to this reference. For example, Cecile, which estimates to know this set of themes owing to the fact that it has several experiments in the area the training with animation, considers that there is not «not really [one] filiation between the two ». François explains « that it would be necessary to find another thing like philosophy ». It acts, according to him, of a term too « intellectualist ». That amounts wanting « to carry the fine words » near the not-members. One can notice that those which legitimate this reference are those which one previously described as being « new » militant and which is for the majority of the disappointed individuals their preceding militant experiments. Contrary, those which criticize this reference appear as being militants « professionals ». One can suppose that the reference to popular education constitutes a fertile topic in favor of militant engagement because it makes it possible to propose a mode of militancy distinct from that which developed during the Eighties and which appeared further away from the concerns of the members^81(*).

Thomas: It is a means... of returning to the movements of popular education... It is a means of concentrating formation and to diffuse it so that precisely, people who want after taking part in movements of emancipation can, enriched by this information. If it is in this direction then yes, Attac takes part in the emancipation of the workers. After, for me, it will be necessary, one always returns to personal opinions, it will be necessary that people, once they have this information, whom they look around them [...] But it is initially necessary to start by precisely informing so that people can then position. And that it is a work which is gigantic, because one has opposite us the remainder of the media, what.

Lionel : I think that it is turned towards two groups. First of all towards we because we need a formation such as for example in economy. Very few people in association have an economic formation. But also towards people of outside in order to inform them.

Luc : One formed part, following 1968, of a movement which is called « New life » and which claimed Community personalism of Emmanuel Mounier. Community personalism, there are the word nobody, individual in it and one lives in a community [...] It was also a popular movement of education, which wanted to be also turned towards the action and it is at that time there, it was a very catholic movement, which resulted from the PSU at the time.

François: I know that Attac is asserted as that [a popular movement of education] but I am very afraid... For me to educate the base or the people... That can appear a little paradoxical for somebody who is communist or Marxist. I do not say that it is what Attac proposes but I think that it would be necessary to find another thing like philosophy. It is a simply intellectualist report/ratio with the thing, i.e. us them militant, and that they is as well grass-roots militants as the direction of Attac or the scientific Council, one will make a popular movement of education for the others and those which do not militate yet! It is also a vision of the world. There are those which carry the fine words. The others they do not wait until a thing it is to be educated to put itself in action. I think that there are other springs which make that people do not fight today.

Cecile : Attac asserts popular education but I do not see really filiation between the two. Attac it is nevertheless very political and that does not have large-thing to see with the movements of post-war period like the CEMEA.

This denomination was not present at the time of the constitution of association. It is only as from April 1999, that the popular term of education will be used to qualify association82(*). Since, Attac is constantly presented thus, in its official publications83(*) but also within the media84(*). It is then legitimate to wonder about the source of this « label ». It would answer waiting formulated by the members85(*). But it would also seem that one can explain this evolution starting from the personal position of the president of association. Indeed, Bernard Cassen seems very attached to the fact that Attac is a popular movement of education. He published an article in the Diplomatic World besides, in June 1997, in which it defended the idea of one « necessary recasting of popular education »86(*). It held to with it a speech identical to that which Attac diffuse in its documents. Why have wanted to hang up again Attac with this set of themes ? First of all, to qualify Attac of movement of « popular education » allows him to position in the line of a long associative past87(*). It registers it in a tradition and allows him to exceed the qualification of anti-mondialiste association. Moreover, by this reference, Attac joined « interest for bottom » - interest which constitutes, according to Jacques Ion, one of the principal attributes of the movements of popular education88(*). This affiliation would constitute a mode of presentation of the association which would have been adopted in order to modify perception and the representation of it. It is possible to see there a setting in scene of the image of association within the public sphere. It would act, using this work of « marketing », to attract new sympathies and to thus allow the progression of adhesions.

1.1.2.2 The construction of an associative dynamics

Concerning the presentation of Attac, the second element which can be proposed resides in the increase in adhesions. The official documents of association and the articles of press refer in a systematic way to the fast rise which association knew. The launching of individual adhesions started in July 1998, after the executives of association had been installed. The progression of the number of members declared by association is considerable : three years after launching, Attac asserts 30.000 members^89(*). The presentation of the association diffused by the official documents and the media is that of a movement equipped with a strong dynamics. Bernard Cassen, who has fun to be presented in the form of a one « contractor »^90(*) directing one of the start-up the most daring citizens, this dynamism puts unceasingly ahead : « The Attac phenomenon intrigues, and sometimes even disconcerts : how it is made that in a time of alleged « depoliticization » an association [...] accommodate each week in its center several hundreds of new members, of which a significant number of young people ? »^91(*). The media also confront this « revival » of engagement to the loss speed of the political and trade-union organizations^92(*). This representation is very present during talks. Lionel explains why it is astonished enough to see with each meeting as many new people presenting itself. Until December 2000, a person undertook to inform at the beginning of meeting the newcomers. Isabelle affirms, also, that meetings of the group « campus » attract « not badly of new heads ».

Lionel : From there, some again organized a meeting in another commune and then there was about thirty people. It was enough surprising because the monthly meetings in Grenoble gather between 30 and 60 people. In this group, there is a third of people whom one can see with the monthly meetings, a third of people who seldom come to the monthly meetings and then a third of people which come for the first time, often of people who intended to speak about Attac and who are interested. Each time there are new people and that one will find the following time or not. Like one does not say it that has only word of mouth [...] There are many people who come to get information about association. There were so much new people before whom came to each plenary assembly that one took a group with share to make a briefing on association.

Isabelle : The fact of seeing that there is a group of young people who move and who have ideas, that makes it possible to attract other people. I saw during the year, the group widened compared to the beginning of year. The first time that goes back to January and since I do not see new heads badly arriving. Each time there is almost a dozen people whereas at the beginning one was fewer.

Attac would thus translate a revival of engagement. The passion which association caused is not contestable within sight of adhesions. However, it is a question of highlighting the way in which this progression was presented and deformed. The number of members is a very important factor in the engagement of many militants, it also explains the media interest which is carried to association. However this progression is artificially overestimated. The national direction enters as being adherent, all those which subscribed to association since its launching in June 1998. The nonrenewals of adhesion are not taken into account. For example, among the 5300 members of 1998, only one third (that is to say 1800) had renewed their adhesion in September 1999^93(*). That induces a differential growing between the cotisants and the members. Thus, in September 1999, the figure of 12.000 members was asserted, while 8.800 contributions had been perceived^94(*). In September 2000, whereas association asserted 27.000 members, it comprised only 17.000 cotisants^95(*). In June 2001, an article of Release^96(*) gave a report on the figure of 30.000 members while association did not comprise « that » 24.000 cotisants^97(*). Finally in August 2001, Attac asserted 38.000 members but counted 21.000 cotisants^98(*). The difference between the members and the cotisants was 3.200 in September 1999, it was 10.000 in September 2000 and 17.000 in August 2001. One can suppose that the purpose of this accounting of the members is to amplify the progression which association knows.

This technique was perhaps also employed during the launching of association. At the time of the first months of launching, the Diplomatic World returned account each month of the advance of association. The monthly magazine also published, on the occasion, the number of adhesions which had been entered. However, it appears that the number then delivered does not correspond to the number of adhesions which it is possible to raise in the documents of association. For example, the Diplomatic World proclaimed that with « the end of July, approximately 4000 people had asked for information on association and 1500 had adhered »^99(*) while only 1.000 members were declared by association. In its edition of September, it was announced that « already association counts nearly 2.500 members and the flow of adhesions, which did not stop in August, should develop in September »^100(*), on this date association reached 1500 members. It is legitimate to wonder whether the declarations of the diplomatic World are not connected with « misleading publicity ». The number of adhesions would have been elevated with an aim of stimulating the most hesitant readers of monthly magazine to adhere. These erroneous declarations and this mode of counting of the members are connected so that it is possible to call one « prophecy car-director ». While being presented in the form of a dynamic movement, association instrumentalisé its initial success, which is not questioned, and thus caused new adhesions. The dynamism allotted to Attac would be the consequence of a strategy of presentation adopted by its founders. This setting in scene was made possible thanks to the very broad media cover from which association profited and who allowed to diffuse an image which was more the reflection of the will of the leaders that reality of association.

1.1.2.3 Strategy of mediatization

As of its launching, Attac profited from a very marked interest on behalf of the media. At the time of the first months, many articles reported the constitution of association. The first national meetings, which took place on October 17, 1998 in Ciotat, also were very followed by the media, while association entered less than 4000 members. The press seems to have testified to an interest for the association which appears disproportionate in comparison with the growth of the movement. Besides this interest seems to be reciprocal because association is not indifferent to the glance which the media carry to him. It is, of course, essential for the majority of the organizations which wish to occupy the public sphere to profit from a media relay. However, the documents of association devote much importance to the articles which the press publishes on Attac. Two months after launching, an article of the diplomatic World noticed that « as proves it several articles commenting on its creation, in particular that published in the Point, Attac disturbs already : it is a good sign ! An additional reason so that association is as strong as possible with the re-entry »^101(*). Bernard Cassen does not hesitate to interpret the mediatization of the movement like a sign of success^102(*). The examples could be multiplied. This mediatization, according to us, is amplified. It also concerns a phenomenon « of car realization » the purpose of which is to achieve what is marked. The speech does not exert only in this situation a declaratory function, but it also has a performative provision, i.e. it exerts an action on the reality of which it claims to return account^103(*).

The mediatization from which Attac profited explains by certain strategies which were installation as of its creation. First of all, the launching of association by a whole of people morals, but especially of physical people who are for the majority « famous », account of this will returns to promote Attac within the media. How to explain differently the presence of Manu Chao within a committee made up primarily of economists and researchers ? In addition, the presence of many newspapers (eight) within the people morals testifies to the attempt at publiciser the constitution of association. The first articles devoted to Attac were published besides by these reviews.

The leaders always knew to make profitable the media in the development of Attac^104(*). As of June, conferences press national were organized on the initiative of the office. Association was availability of the journalists to facilitate their work. This mediatization was reinforced since the conference of Seattle, in December 1999, as from which the against-tops multiplied. Moreover, in the media, Attac is put in front of excessive way with respect to the other organizations which are present. Thus, at the time of the unit actions, Attac generally holds it « high paving stone » and « steal the high-speed motorboat » with the other organizations present. It is difficult to give an account of this phenomenon^105(*). However, it would seem that he can be explained partly by an attempt deliberated on behalf of the leaders to accentuate the mediatization of the movement. For example, at the time of the against-top of Genoa, which was held from the 16 to July 22, 2001, a demonstration took place on July 17 on the initiative of Attac^106(*). The organizers of the Attac group made circulate information and the starting place. However, it proved, which there was within the procession only one « around fifty » of militants, that is to say as far as the number of journalists. That testifies to a will of médiatiser the movement to the detriment of a real representativeness of the demonstration. This anecdote returns account in a precise way of the strategies which are privileged by the national direction of Attac^107(*).

The mediatization from which Attac would profit would be more the result of a setting in scene and a work of publicisation of the image of association that a real reflection of the importance of the movement. A fact can support this assumption : while association benefitted from the interest of the media as of its launching, the committee isérois was médiatisé only very tardily. The committee was created in November 1998 but until December 2000, at the time of the congress of the P.S which took place in Grenoble, the presence of Attac Isere in the local newspapers is quasi non-existent. Luc, the president isérois, explains besides that no journalist presented himself at the press conferences which were organized. On the other hand, the articles have multiplied for a few months. At the time of the procession of May 1, an article of Dauphine Released note the presence of an Attac procession^108(*). In the same way, an article reports the day of action devoted to the tax havens organized by the committee. An article of Dauphine Released was devoted exclusively to the local committee. Lastly, a journalist was charged to follow to Genoa the militants isérois come to express. This media cover, from which currently the committee profits, can seem rather late compared to echo from which association at the national level profited. That would confirm the fact that there was a on-mediatization of Attac, this one being due, partly, with a setting in scene of the presence of association within public space.

Luc: Recently, one starts to be taken with serious by the Dauphine one Released, one met this morning a radio extremist. But in my opinion, one does not do enough information compared to the media. It is necessary also that they are open. Now, it seems that one passes there. It would be necessary that one systematically sends all our files to all the media but we do not have his contacts. This known as we made several times of the press conferences where nobody came. For example before a demonstration whatever it is, one tried several times to make press conferences. It is since one month or two, that that really starts to go.

The installation of association does not correspond to the spontaneousness which assert the national leaders. It would seem that this representation results from a process of setting in scene of launching of association and of its image. It is by presenting Attac like a dynamic movement directed towards « modernity » (by the topic of universalization) and which is anchored in an associative tradition (popular education) that a whole of sympathies and engagements could be born. This revival of engagement citizen would be thus primarily a construction. It is not a question to deny the effectivity of this engagement but simply to call into question spontaneousness from it.

However this adequately does not explain the reasons for this setting in scene. The movement has from now on a certain dynamics and it does not appear necessary any more to promote it in an excessive way. Moreover, why want to naturalize the creation of Attac by presenting association like the emanation of the citizens ? It would seem that this representation aims at legitimating the fact that Attac was creates in a national way. Attac is before a whole movement of citizens. This is why the role of the national would not be « to direct » members of the association but of « to coordinate ». The national and the room thus appear as two authorities which are essential one with the other. 1.2 Dialectical enters the room and the national ?

The leading article « To disarm the markets » corresponds to the intellectual reference of Attac; it is for this reason one of the most essential texts of the movement. However, it is equipped with no legal authenticity. It is in June 1998, that is to say six months after, that the statutory bases are elaborate. They assign to the acronym formulated by Ramonet the legal personality. What was not before pious ideas and wishes in the article of the Diplomatic World becomes consequently of the claims. A whole organization, statutory but so material, is gradually installation in order to support the fight against the financial markets.

1.2.1 Statutes and the organization of Attac

1.2.1.1 The charter founder

Six months after the publication of the leading article, a whole of organizations and personalities were joined together in order to ensure the launching of association. At the time of the General meeting constitutive of June 3, 1998, the founder members signed the charter and deposited the statutes of association. Each organization brought a sum ranging between 5.000 and 35.000 frs in order to cover the expenses of launching^109(*). Bernard Cassen^110(*), general manager of the Diplomatic World, was elected president of association, while Igniacio Ramonet, director of the Diplomatic World became honorary president. The charter of association is the text by which the signatories agree on a whole of common objectives^111(*). It presents, first of all, the conditions under which association appeared : an aggravation of « L `insecurity economic and [of] social inequalities [...] progression of the antidemocratic parties [...] the total freedom of circulation of capital [...] the permanent increase in the incomes of the capital to the detriment of those of work, the generalization of precariousness and extension of poverty ". The charter evokes, then, the possibility of setting up « alternatives » such as the Tobin tax which « sand in the wheels of the speculation would put ». A whole of precise claims and intentions broader appear in the charter. These objectives were taken again besides for the constitution of the international movement Attac. Lastly, the signatories commit themselves «creating the Attac association, which will enable them to produce and disseminate information to act jointly, so much in their respective countries, which at the European and international level ». This charter, which was signed by the 58 founder members, served later on as « declaration of intent » with the whole of the local committees which constituted themselves.

During talks, it appeared that the militants isérois seemed very attached to the charter of association. Indeed, whereas only the most militant members refer to the statutes of association, the charter seems a reference common to the members. It acts, according to Thomas, of a document which makes it possible all the members of association to have « the same base ». According to Julie, it makes it possible to give to Attac « a certain coherence ». The national structure of Attac is thus perceived by the militants isérois like something of legitimate. It would be even, according to them, the only possibility of operation of association.

Thomas: Me I think that it is well, because already on the level of information and the level of the charter and the base of adhesion, one has all the same base. It is a base which is given by the national and on which, in extreme cases one could act by saying that that is not appropriate. That was done for example in the tariffs, on the level of the pensioners. Thus already, by adhering all under the same charter with [...] the founder members. Everyone has same information and if people adhere, they adhere to that. Because after that can bring drifts within small local committees which... For heaps of reason...

Julie : Attac is an association national and international there is thus a certain coherence to have, it is necessary that there are common authorities of decision. Already it there with the charter which ensures a common base, knowing that in certain cities there are three local committees.

Luc : Attac it is a little the same thing, except that one defends something which called forever into question by anybody and that seems important to me, it is the initial charter of Attac. For me the initial charter of Attac called forever into question to my knowledge by anybody. That seems to me paramount.

1.2.1.2 Statutes of association

The operation of association rests on the statutes which were adopted on June 3, 1998^112(*). They distinguish two types of members. « The founder members, brought together in college, are the people who created association and those that they will indicate, in the majority of two thirds, to supplement them or replace them, if necessary. The active members are the other people who will have adhered to association »^113(*). Association is equipped with a Board of directors, an office, a president, and the scientific Council. The Board of directors is composed of 30 members elected for a three years mandate and re-eligible without limitations. On the 30 administrators, 18 emanate from the college from the founder members and 12 of the whole of the active members. The meetings of the turnover take place « as often as the interest of association requires it »^114(*) with a minimum of two meetings per annum. The office is composed of the president and the vice-presidents, the treasurer and members. It is in charge of the management of association « within the framework of the orientations fixed by the Board of directors ». The president « is indicated by the Council, among the founder members, in the majority absolute with the first turn and second turn, and in the majority simple with the third »^115(*). The president exerts three roles. He has, first of all, a function of representation of association. In addition it directs the meetings of the office, the turnover and the General meeting, which it chairs. Lastly, it ensures the respect of the statutes and the rules of procedure. Since the foundation of Attac, Bernard Cassen occupies the function of president. He was elected in June 1998, then was re-elected in October 1999 at the time of bases of Ciotat^116(*). The college of the founders is composed of all the physical people and morals which created association^117(*). Among the college of the founders^118(*) ten physical people and 48 people morals appear of which associations like AC! (To act together against unemployment), Right to Housing, Rights In front!, the C.ADAC (Coordination of associations for the right to the abortion and contraception) but also of the trade unions like the country Confederation, SUD-PTT and the trade union of the magistrature, and finally of the publications such as for example Alternative Economic, Charlie Hebdo, Politis, Christian Testimony. Association finally obtained the scientific Council. It is about a body whose role is to propose to the turnover, « research orientations of association »^119(*). It produces, for that, a whole of documents which can be used of base and intellectual reference to the claims carried by Attac^120(*). It organizes its work « in all independence »^121(*). However, one can note that its president and his members are named by the Board of directors. The scientific Council is chaired, since the launching of association, by Rene Passet, highly skilled professor at the university Paris I.

The standpoint of association is carried out, according to the statutes, within the A.C. For each topic approached, the scientific Council produces a project which is subjected to the A.C. the document can then be adopted like a statute of working paper of the council and it then does not engage publicly the responsibility for association. The turnover can also choose to give an opinion officially and the text is then published in Lignes of Attac^122(*) and the works published in the name of association^123(*).

The spirit on which the statutes would rest, according to founders' of Attac, is that of « participation » and of « mutualisation ». They present the structuring of association like one « organization in network ». This is why Attac was conceived like one « national association - and not [one] federation, it makes it possible each member to take part and contribute to its development with the same relevance^124(*) ». This structuring would make it possible to ensure a better participation of each one as well as a diffusion of faster and more effective information. It acts, for example, to gather by an often virtual bond (i.e. by the means of Internet which occupies a central place in association) of the thousands of people: members of the national, members of the local committees, translators voluntary and other sections from abroad. However the statute, upon reading, one realizes determining part played by the founder members. The college of the founders does not occupy as a such important place. It proposes with the turnover « main trends and lines of action of Association »^125(*). The Council seems dominating since it can take « all decisions and measurements relating to association » in the majority of the present and of represented^126(*). However, because of the fact that the majority of the members of the turnover are elected among the College (18 founder members against 12 active members), the founder members have a right of veto which enables them to exert a control on association.

The statutes state the principles of operation of the authorities of deliberation of association. They also describe the methods of adhesion in Attac and the statute of the members. However, the committees are not mentioned. They however represent the place of interface between the national structure of association and the members. The committees are charged to organize actions (public meetings, distributions of leaflets, signatures of petition) in order to produce the local relay of the national claims. They constitute the territorial grid of association.

1.2.2. The local development of Attac

1.2.2.1 The constitution of the local committees

The installation of the local committees started to be carried out little time after the launching of association. October 17, 1998 took place the first national meeting in Ciotat^127(*) (Rhone delta). The premises of a local organization were posed on this occasion. October 20, 1998, the members of Island of France find themselves thousand with a first meeting. In December 1998, statutes standard are worked out for the local committees and a charter of the relationship between these committees and national association is adopted. The local committees can have two different statutes. A committee can decide to constitute itself in Attac sub-group. It then does not have its own statutes. Its operation is abstract since no mechanism of representation or decision-making are defined. Moreover, in order to repair it « lapse of memory » of the local committees, of the standard statutes were worked out for those which would wish to obtain a legal personality^128(*). The local committees can thus constitute themselves in association law 1901 and obtain with a Board of directors, a president, a secretary-general and a treasurer. This possibility aimed at guaranteeing a greater liberty of action to the procedure of the committee^129(*). The statutes standard written by the national direction are similar to the operation of Attac association. The turnover takes « all decisions and measurements relating to association, others that those expressly reserved by the law and the statutes with the competence of the General meeting »^130(*). The agenda of AG is established only by the turnover (Article 11-3), the main part of the decisions thus concerns the turnover and the office. The relationship between the committee, which takes the name of « group Attac », are regulated according to article 4 of the statutes. The committee engages with « to subject these statutes at the office of national association Attac for approval », with « to make sure that all its members are also members of national association Attac » and with « to address each year, three months before the general assembly of national association Attac, an assessment of its actions which is incorporated in the management report of national association Attac ». Lastly, it is specified that « in the event of nonrespect of these clauses by association, the office of national association Attac can withdraw the use of the initials and the Attac denomination to him ». In the two configurations, the committee remains independent of the national network. No direct control is exerted on the actions carried out by the committee, nor on this standpoint. On the other hand, no local group can go against the text of the charter. The local committees developed gradually on the French territory starting from the charter and of these statutes.

In November 1998, nearly 40 local committees are made up, in February 1999, the threshold of the 100 local committees is crossed, in February 2000, more than 150 function and in October 2000, 170 local committees are formed^131(*). Some committees were launched at the time of the foundation of association, however the majority appeared as from September 1998. A national document published during the summer 1998 precise that the meetings of launching of the committees must be carried out by the means of the organizations which are founder members of Attac^132(*). The meeting is proposed by the local relay of one of the organizations founders or by the whole of the local structures attached indirectly to association. This meeting gathers the individual members of Attac as well as militants of other associations having adhered to Attac. The presence of the founder members within the committee is essential in the operation of association. That appears among the statutory obligations of the committee « law 1901 », which must make sure that « all the local structures of the organizations founders (when they exist locally) national association Attac are invited at its constitutive assembly and the later meetings »^133(*).

This statutory presentation is necessary, although tiresome, in order to include/understand the operation of association. However, it is only starting from the concrete development of the local committees that it is possible to update logics suitable for association. It is, as we said before, only starting from the study of the singularity which it is possible to operate a intellectual seizure of the object in its general information. This is why the analysis of the development of a precise local committee is from now on necessary.

1.2.2.2 The committee isérois

The creation of the committee Attac Isere was carried out in November 1998, a few months after the creation of Attac national. It was on the initiative of the Raison association To act (which belongs to the founder members of Attac) that the local committee was created. A hundred people were contacted. They were primarily members of associations and trade unions. However the majority did not know themselves. The first meeting took place with the labor market, in the room of the FSU, which belongs to the founder members. During its creation, the founders chose to give to the Isere committee an associative form of law 1901. Volunteers presented themselves to be member of the A.C. Among those, only one person had adhered on a purely individual basis and did not represent an association. It was about a reader of the Diplomatic World which had adhered as of the creation of the association and which had been contacted for the launching of the committee. Among the current members of the turnover of Attac Isere, only Thomas took part in the creation of the local committee whose it summarizes creation. The committee counted little time after its creation 200 members^134(*) ; this figure then progressed systematically : 380 members in January 2000^135(*), 590 members in June 2000 and 820 in January 2001^136(*).

Thomas: And then I had been informed of the meeting of the weekend against the precariousness organized by Raison To act, I thought that it is interesting because I was always in a medium of trade-union militants and persons employed and not of intellectuals [...] I thought of being able to be used as bond. I had taken part in two conferences, I had found that well but a little intellectual, there were many students and not much of proletarians, it was on the campus. And six months after, in February, Reason To act had contacted all people who had left their co-ordinates, Raison To act being founder member of Attac, to create a local committee of Attac. There were 110 people who were brought together. It was at the beginning of November 1998. There were Bernard Floris and Philippe Decamp who was Attac correspondents for three four months. During this evening one had decided the establishment of this committee, one held a meeting one week after with the labor market. There were already Attac members on a purely individual basis, me I were adherent Attac already since October 1998 I had already been in Ciotat for the first national meeting [...] One met here [in FSU], one had decided to name provisional persons in charge to set up the statutes and to convene the general assembly. It was necessary that there are people who want to be members of the board of directors well. Good. There are things which started to take shape, of people who made a leaflet, a press release. The Board of directors car indicated and autoproclamé... He was provisional, it was only to convene the General meeting, it was something of very abstract because it could this day very well there have had fachos among us and that they seize the power. One did not know oneself at all, I knew two or three people in the assembly but in the Board of directors, there were people of South, but the majority one did not know themselves. The majority of people of the Board of directors came from trade unions or associations. There was not that Thomas I believe who had never put the feet of the whole and which was reader of the Diplomatic World and which knew very about full with things. One decided office and of the president, secretary, treasurer... Always provisional. Me, I agreed to take the presidency for the 3 or 4 months to come to the Parliament March 1999. For the General meeting one made the statutes and one re-elected the office, I represented oneself, they re-elected me and it left... There always was a strong participation, weakest it was during the holidays when there were 25 to 30 people if not there is on average between 50 and 60 people with each meeting.

The local committee Attac Isere is made up in association law 1901. However, it adopted statutes distinct from those from « standard statutes » proposed by the national^137(*). Operation is not much affected. The decision-makings take place at the time of the Board of directors which meets every fifteen days, it is opened with each member. The turnover is composed of 19 elected members each year at the time of the general assembly. It is also at the time of the turnover, that the president is elected. The committee isérois known for the moment two presidents : Thomas was appointed president during the creation of the group in November 1998. He was renewed in his function at the time of the general assembly of March 1999. He decided at the time of the last assembly, in February 2001, not to represent themselves in order not to cumulate the mandates and to leave the place to another. Luc agreed to occupy the vacancy after many hesitations. One can note that quorums were fixed so that the meetings of the turnover and the General meeting are valid^138(*). It is about a specificity of the committee Attac Isere.

A very precise allocation of the functions was established in the committee. A group was made up for each activity : interpellation of the elected officials, the information and the constitution of the leaflets, diffusion of the national documents of Attac, the management of local Internet site, the recording of the vocal box of the committee and finally, the management of permanences which are carried out every Wednesday evenings with the coffee « Our-injury » in Grenoble so that the interested people can contact association. Moreover, ' think tanks ' set of themes were set up to which can take to share the members. These groups are organized according to topics' launched by the national : the debt of the Third World countries, banks and tax havens, the World Organization of Trade (OMC) and International Financial Institutions (IFI), energy, the question of the environment and the Genetically Modified Organizations (GMO), media, the condition of the women, and finally the General Agreement on the Trade and Services (AGCS) and the defense of the public utility. The meetings of these groups proceed, generally, in a monthly way. They take place at 6 p.m., either with the Stock Exchange work, or at the house of associations of Grenoble. Each one of them gathers between 10 and 15 people.

A public meeting also takes place each month. The public meeting, opened nonto the members, gathers between 60 and 70 people each time. The topics approached are entered on the agenda which is prepared beforehand during the Board of directors. Reflections and debates take place on the topics which Attac is carrying (such as the Tobin tax). Other debates have course on the organization of the actions (congress of the PS, manifestation of May 1, against-top in Nice or Genoa) and on the diffusion of information. No vote takes place during these meetings; the course of the meeting and the speeches is ensured by one (E) president (E) who is renewed (E) with each meeting. Lastly, one can note that sub-groups buildings, within Isere, were set up, thus allowing a better geographical distribution. A group entitled «Grésivaudan» was constituted to gather all the communes of the valley of Grésivaudan; the meetings are semi-monthly there. A group in the commune of Voiron also was born, a permanence being ensured in a weekly way. A group « Campus » was created in 2001 in order to be able to gather the members who are students. For each one of these groups, a person in charge was designated, in order to be used as referent. One can note that there was a group in Vienna before ; that was constituted recently in association.

The local committees constitute the establishment of association at the local level, they allowed its fast and continuous development in each part of the hexagon. Besides its founders recognize frequently that one of the principal assets of the movement resides in this dense territorial grid which allows a more homogeneous representation of the interests, and thus avoids the monopolization of the movement by some restricted circles of militants and Parisian intellectuals. The direction of Attac consequently always posted its preoccupation with a decentralization. However, these declarations present a contradiction with the statutes of the association in which the local committees are not recognized juridically. This absence will give place to internal conflicts for the recognition of the committees.

1.2.3 Recognition of the local committees

1. 2. 3.1 a legitimate recognition ?

The local committees do not appear in the statutes. They are regarded associations with whole share (of law 1901) or as spontaneous groups of members. In both cases, the only adhesion which is taken into account by association is that which is done in a national way. The militants^139(*) of the committee isérois grant much importance to the statutes of association. The recognition of the committees is a subject of discord between them and the national direction. According to them, inconsistencies result from the absence of the local committees within the statutes. The transfer of the contributions at the committees, first of all, caused conflicts. The contributions of the members are paid directly with the national structure of Attac. So that the local committees can have own capital stocks, the national concedes to them the transfer of 25% of the contributions coming from the adhesions made in the committee. This payment is regarded as being one « refund »^140(*). However, this payment leads, according to Julie, with a contradiction since the national recognizes the local committees implicitly, in their allocating a sum. Julie estimates that the leaders recognize « the existence of a group which militates, which organizes something but that in addition [they] [NT] the capacity at the national level does not give them ».

The second inconsistency in which the statutes end, according to some surveyed (Luc, Thomas, Julie), is nonthe recognition of the committees at the time of the national deliberations. The participation of a member in the General meeting is done on a purely individual basis. It can take a position only in its proper name. Thus, the questions which are put on the agenda or motions which are deposited at the time of AG main road are written on a purely individual basis^141(*). Certain committees, of which Isere, which have the statute of association then decided to make group decisions and to elect a representative. The committee isérois gave several opinions in a collective way which were presented at the time of national deliberations. Some of this standpoint took place within the framework of the plenary assembly which is opened with all the members. For example, an exceptional assembly had met on January 10, 2000 in order to discuss adhesion of the elected officials and authorities local. Resolutions were voted there, then were published and transmitted in the national office^142(*). In addition, the turnover can sometimes adopt positions in the name of the committee. At the occasion, for example, AG 2000 of St Brieuc, two motions were presented in a collective way^143(*).

However, inquired consider it regrettable that one cannot distinguish the individuals who come on a purely individual basis and those which present as are delegated of a group. The national statutes not granting an existence to the committees, their constituents are deprived of authority. The fact that they are elected does not give them more legitimacy with respect to those which are present at individual title. In the same way, a motion, which is deposited on a purely collective basis is in equality with that which deposited on a purely individual basis. Thus, the two motions suggested at the time of St Brieuc were rejected in national turnover. In addition, the militants of Attac Isere formulated same criticism for the elections of the members of the national turnover. The twelve seats to be provided are distributed in a geographical way. The candidatures, at the time of AG main road, are deposited on a purely individual basis. Luc explains that he voted for those which were elected by their local committee^144(*). In the same way, within the turnover, the individual members even represent only them. Julie explains that if a member wants to represent his committee, it has the right of it but that is not recognized in the statutes. In the same way, if an individual wishes to take a personal position, without consulting its committee as a preliminary, it also has the right of it.

Julie : One adheres all to the national, one adheres at all to the room and there too there are things which do not go, it is the national which redistributes part of the contributions at the local committees and it is where there are shifts, at the same time when one looks at the statutes it is each militant which is recognized and the local committees do not have a clean existence but nevertheless the national transfers us a percentage of the contribution at the local committees i.e. one recognizes in a certain manner the existence of the local committees since one pours something to them to function. There are things as that which are contradictory. It is a contradiction because that wants to say that one recognizes the existence of a group which militates, which organizes something but that in addition that one does not give them the capacity at the national level.

Luc : The local committees which come, one does not know at all what they represent. Us, one knows, because one discussed before motions which one has of taking, one represents the whole of the local committee. But of the other local committees, there are some who are similar but there are some of them, one does not know if they come as local committee or individual basis. One does not know what they represent, therefore when people speak, one does not know if they speak on a purely individual or collective basis. It is a caricature of democracy.

Thomas: It would be necessary that the local committees organize true General meetings and debates on such or such thing, in a structured organization, that the positions can be expressed by their representatives elected with the French National Assembly. The problem they is that the local committees do not have statutes with the national General meeting, therefore one goes there on a purely individual basis... Then one was to us a little slingers because one took the positions of the turnover Isere or groups of members who wanted to express themselves and who are of nothing... I would say legal because to express a particular position, one would need that everyone is joined together, all the members and that there is a minimum quorum i.e. half of the members, who decide by vote with the raised hand and whom that, the mandate of expression of this position, is given to a particular member, inevitably member of the turnover, to be represented. And that, that is not done. This position, it is a position emitted by a part, a group of fifty members of Attac Isere or hundreds or 150 and retransmitted by the turnover with the national General meeting but which is not... I will say legal within sight of the statutes, because the local committees in it do not have a place [...] And like there is not an organization behind and there are not somebody who says «Me, I speak in the name of so-and-so», in order to know which it represents, I always avoid intervening on a purely individual basis because that wants nothing to say.

Luc : How they [members of the national turnover] were elected, it should be seen was before the General meeting, one said « Who presents himself at the elections? ». Did people present themselves on which basis? Individually. Who does one know in it? Me I learned that there were people who presented themselves in the name of their local committee and my choice of vote that was according to that, I voted for those which were presented in the name of their local committee. And as that was not enough to have 12 people, I said myself that I was going to vote for women. Here how I voted. There are eighteen individual founder members and twelve members.

Julie : What one wishes it is the recognition of the presence of the local committees within the Board of directors, as representatives of collectives, because that does not exist and the people who are over there which is people who are there on a purely individual basis. For us that wants to say that there is at least, of the meetings of the local committees which are carrying a decision of collectives and not carrying their own words. It is not always what occurs. That concerns the personal decision of each one and if a representative decided to be carrying his group, it can be it, but if somebody decides to present himself at individual title and that it does not want at all to have bonds with his local group, it is completely possible. Since it is there on a purely individual basis. Each one can make the choice but it is not a decision which represents a form of democracy, I do not like too much to employ this term there because it is galvaudé but a form of operation which is very different.

1.2.3.2 Modification of the statutes

The recognition of the local committees necessarily passes by the modification of the statutes. It is about a relatively complex process^145(*). First of all, it is necessary that the turnover proposes a modification which is voted in the majority of two thirds of the members present^146(*). The extraordinary General meeting is then convened, it can deliberate only in the only condition which two thirds of the members present or are represented^147(*). Lastly, the decisions relating to the modification of the statutes must be made in the majority of two thirds^148(*). Many conditions thus make the modification improbable. Bernard Cassen recalled, moreover, during the meeting of the turnover of the 11/11/2000, which there are the numerous ones « difficulties of surmounting for a possible modification of the statutes »^149(*). Moreover, as Thomas notices it, the modification of the statutes is made all the more difficult as the proposal, before being subjected to AG, must be adopted by two thirds of the A.C. But, the founder members being in a majority they can block any proposal^150(*).

Inquired estimate that the founder members blocked the statutes during the creation of association (Julie estimates that the statutes are « buckled »). Moreover, as recalled by Luc, very often the turnover is not defended any. It would be about a means used in order to avoid the infiltration^151(*). However, Luc estimates that that testifies, above all, owing to the fact that leaders « fear a catch to be able of the local committees on association ». It fears besides that the militants isérois are not taken for dissidents. Being the principal ones concerned with the decisions taken by the national, the militants of Attac estimate that it is legitimate that the local committees are recognized. It thus appears necessary to them to amend.

Thomas: After there are organizations, associations, trade unions which are represented and of the newspapers which have a voice and this college of the founder members are represented by 18 seats. And after you have representatives, between brackets, geographical of the local committees, which are 12... If my memories are good. But they do not represent by the local committees, in the direction where there are no elections and there no was candidature of each committee... That it is done a little in an abstract way, one gathered by area. For example the local committees of the Rhone-Alps area and it is a person of Lyon. But one decided like that, it did not have an election there. They do not have to be able, if you want. They are there only to establish the link between the local committees of their area and the national Board of directors. And if there is a decision to take, it is taken in the majority of the national Board of directors and thus of the eighteen founder members, on the other hand there is a discussion with the regional representatives which is only advisory. They do not have voting rights.

Julie: You know the statutes of Attac? In the statutes of Attac it is buckled, there are the founder members who are 18 and there are twelve representatives of the local committees.

F.E: And the fact that the local committees aren't recognized in the statutes, you interpret it how?

Luc: This will not to amend, like says it Cassen, it is to avoid the infiltration. It said it and it repeated it, it is like that that that was envisaged in the beginning and they locked voluntarily. There is a certain number of members who fear what they call parliamentarism, i.e. there are debates between the local committees which do not agree, that there is full with debates which make waste time. I do not know too what that covers? For me they fear a catch to be able of the local committees on their association [...] It is what they fear at the national level and it is what we fear if one sets up this coordination of the local committees, one fears to be taken for separatists whereas it is not at all the case.

In order to engage a reform of the statutes, an abstract coordination, between certain local committees, then installation itself in a progressive way. Luc explains how it put himself in relation to some local committees whose claims were similar. A list Internet « closed » was created which makes it possible to the members of this coordination to disseminate information relating to the national turnover and to constitute common proposals. Thus for AG of St Brieuc, a motion was proposed with the national turnover of coordination with other local committees^152(*). This one was in addition refused. On the other hand, the day of AG, two wishes were deposited with the agreement of the national persons in charge. These two wishes were the subject then of a vote in A.C.^153(*) the first wish related to the organization of national Conferences of the local committees (CNCL) and the second wish aimed at organizing a commission in order to study the advisability of reforming the statutes. This commission is made up of twelve members of the turnover and twelve representatives of the local committees^154(*).

Luc: Last year, I attended the summer school and there were some exchanges on Attac room and one started to create a kind of closed list Internet. By closed with everyone but between us, so that one can discuss collectively and that one can make pass from the things to the national general assembly, since there are local committees which are completely beside this aspect of the things. They do not want that. There was besides a debate at the time of the last CNCL... On Attac room one had seen a certain number of positions which approached the others and during the summer school one met people that one felt about sure our positions. It is there that one stopped a motion, a first project of motion, between us and by saying that it is necessary that one makes pass that on the unit. One sent that on Attac room, by saying here are what one seeks but that was not possible to find a consensus on top, all the local committees discussed each one in their corner and there no was consensus, except with Attac Rennes with which one said at the end of a certain time: dissatisfaction, because the national general assembly was going soon to arrive and one sent an official document signed by Attac Rennes and Attac Isere on the list. For Rennes, that occurred like us. With Attac Rennes, one is in similar positions.

Thomas: And one put that on the public place, because one has nothing to hide, there are other local committees which have also a standpoint and which joined this step and which made projections also on their side on particular problems. And thus one was among the promoters of what is called a wish to the French National Assembly of Saint-Brieuc on the modification... Finally possible modification appropriateness of the statutes, to go towards more democracy within Attac. And thus the representation of the local committees [...] It was one of motions of the General meeting. It is a mandate which the General meeting of Saint-Brieuc in October 2000 received and which setting up itself. It is a mandate. One will ask at the time of the General meeting of 2001, she will take place in Marseilles I believe. It is really something on which one is very vigilant and Luc is somebody who knows well the subject and which is in bond with the other participants in this collective of local committees for which all the questions of democracy are important.

Thomas: Yes with other local committees but it is us who presented it [...] Then, there were Parisian local committees, there was Rennes, there was Aveyron, there were Yvelines I believe, Montpellier or Toulouse [...] There was many exchanges by mall and then at the meetings... At the time of the national conferences one A spoke, and there are bonds which are created and then it is seen that one goes in the same direction, one answers oneself. And then one met to speak about it a little and so on what. Development of about a joint day for example, development of about a joint day which is interesting for example because you arrive with proposals...

Luc: And when I see what is currently held [in the commission of reform of the statutes] I say that I was right well not not to be there. They met a certain number of times and for each time somebody called in the commission «it would be necessary to change that or that» it is answered him that it is not possible to change the statutes. There are of them nevertheless some in the commission which try to change the statutes, all semi-official information which I had it is by one of these people.

There exists in Attac certain problems of coordination between the room and the national. The militants isérois estimate that they do not profit from the recognition which is to them within association. They appear besides among « slingers » which allowed the constitution of an authority of meeting between committees (the CNCL). These remarks encourage us to be interested at greater length in the problems of « internal democracy » which exists within association. By this term, it is necessary to hear all the procedures (official and semi-official) which take place and which can lend to a debate or a dispute. How the persons in charge for Attac they were given in question and for which reasons ? Which are the reports/ratios which the militants isérois with the leaders maintain ? The committee isérois does not present T it not him even dysfunctions ?

1.3 One « internal democracy » disputed

The militants who were interviewed frequently mention the problems of « democracy » intern 155(*). They seldom use it concerning the procedure of the local committee. The majority of surveyed refer to it to criticize the national direction. It is thus for example which Thomas qualifies the national operation of Attac of « caricature democracy », Luc considers it regrettable that Attac « claims to revitalize the democracy [but] has an operation which is absolutely not democratic ». The term of « democracy » returns, in their speeches, with several significances : with a collective operating mode, and in addition, with the refusal of a personalization of the leaders.

1.3. 1 questioning of « national directory »

1. 3. 1. 1 a collective operating mode

The term of « democracy » indicates before very for inquired operating mode which is collective. They thus privilege, in their speeches, the collective participation of the members (« elected representatives », « in the name of their local committee », « the mandate of expression ») with that which is done in an individual way (« on a purely individual basis »). The standpoint which is made in the name of the committee (and which is adopted in a collective way) is considered to be more legitimate than the individual positions. On this subject, Julie explains that the participation in the turnover or the A.G as a committee, makes it possible to the members to hold head with the direction. Luc observes that as a president, it exerts a work of « coordination » in order to « to find a consensus » between the members^156(*). Moreover, it notes that, when it was responsible trade-union for its company, it has « always worked with the whole of the workers and the whole of paid [and] the decisions were always taken collectively ». Moreover, it would also seem that the militants grant a great place to the vote. They qualify it as being the decisional mode most adequate. Luc regrets besides that there are not more votes at the time of AG main road.

Julie : What one wishes it is the recognition of the presence of the local committees within the Board of directors, as a representative of collectives, because that does not exist and the people who are over there which is people who are there on a purely individual basis [...] Bernard Cassen if there is a decision which obstructs it, it can say to him that it is there on a purely individual basis not if he is there as representatives of collectives one has more weight.

Luc : For me the role of the president is to try each time to find one agree between people who are there, I think that it is one of my principal objectives. All that I make in a group it is always as a simple executant, I do not seek to make another thing. On the problems of coordination, I try to find a compromise each time when there are internal brawls.

Inquired are very critical as for the operation of association. They first of all disapprove the decisions taken at the time of the general Assemblies. The mode of deliberation, is not, according to them, sufficiently collective. Inquired the debates and the votes qualify which take place of « undemocratic ». For example, at the time of the CNCL of December 6, 2000, the Members of the Commission of the statutes were designated. This nomination made by Cassen was connected, according to Thomas and Luc who represented the committee isérois, with one « caricature democracy ».

F.E: At the time of the first national conference of the local committees, there was a group of reform of the statutes which was created?

Luc: Ah yes! There too the way in which that occurred, that proceeded at the end of the day, at the time of the last fifteen minutes and in more it is Cassen, all alone, which decided in the way in which this group was constituted [...] Therefore, he said, one needs twelve representatives of the local committees. How one will find them? Who is voluntary? Me at the time, I put myself in the volunteers, one was to be a score. Thus all the volunteers go to the foot of the platform and in more on the level symbol that is not neutral because to be under Cassen which is above. À ce moment-là there is somebody in the room which had an intervention while saying :«It would be necessary nevertheless that there is the parity». I do not reproach him by for having said that, but what I reproach it is in Cassen to have returned in this play while saying «Go the six women are retained! », after there remains about fifteen people, how one them selected? All those which spoke in the front debate ! There are six of them which raised the hand and the six were retained. The debate related to the advisability of amending and it was a debate which was completely except subject because one took again the debate of the front French National Assembly, which spoke is necessary to amend or that is not important? I had not spoken in this debate and it is for that that one was not retained, whereas one was with the head of the dispute, and then the way in which that it is done, I would not want really any more to go there.

Thomas: The agenda was voted like that then [...] one spoke about the election of the representatives at the commission, what is called the commission of the statutes and that it is done in a straightforwardly caricatural way... And the appointment of the representatives was done in a at the very least riding way [...] It was Bernard Cassen who said one needs ten people, good me I propose that there is... And it was in the most total brouha, it was at the end of meeting, they were six hours minus the quarter, me I propose that there are ten people... Good then there is one which said that would be although it is Paris 13 there... Ah yes Paris 13 then among people, how much... Raise the right... Who wants?... Five women then yes five women and the others it will be so-and-so, so-and-so, everyone agrees go good! Me I was nauseated. One reacted thereafter, I sent a mail to Bernard Cassen and one answered me that not, it was not necessary that I see the things as that because I thought that it was a caricature of democracy and then good...

Inquired also regret that certain decision-makings do not take place in a public way and are carried out by the autonomous national of way. For example, at the time of AG of Saint-Brieuc the two wishes which were voted were presented with the agreement of the direction. Luc explains that the main part of the negotiations took place at the last minute, in an abstract way and that without that the wishes could not have been adopted.

Luc : Thus during the General meeting, the day before, one met in a semi-official way between local committees with the parachuted presence, because it was not awaited, of Pierre Khalfa [member of the office] who was sent by Cassen. It made proposals, while saying « here one can propose something but the weather is no question of making a motion, it is too late to be a motion. Impossible to make a motion in the statutes. There is only the Board of directors which can decide on a motion ». [...] One held this meeting with Pierre Khalfa, it said that one could propose a national conference of the local committees. Me I thought that one did not need a conference but a coordination, and especially one attended this meeting by saying that one needed also a commission on the statutes. It is necessary to amend. And the following day, during the General meeting, discussions in the corridors - I do not like this kind of things but one was obliged proposal to make pass two wishes, one on the creation of the national conference of the local committees, and another for the creation of a commission but Cassen agreed provided that one adds that it is about a commission to discuss the advisability of amending. That was negotiated in the corridors, in consideration of which it agreed to make vote wishes because it is him which carries out the General meeting, one voted these two wishes which were presented by Attac Isere. It is as that which that occurred [...] So that it is voted, it was necessary that the Board of directors gives his agreement because they was wishes and not motions. It was necessary that it is voted with the agreement of the office, since that negotiated front.

1.3.1.2 The refusal of a personalization of the capacity

The concept of democracy and the preference for a collective operating mode are also accompanied, for the militants isérois, of the refusal of a concentration and a too strong personalization of the capacity. It is a representation which common to the whole of is surveyed. Luc explains that as a president, it does not wish to make decisions on a purely personal basis. The function of president is, according to him, « a way of individualizing somebody too much ». He had accepted the vacancy besides with some reserves, « because it was necessary one well of them, and that nobody wanted ». Thomas had chosen not to represent himself because it preferred not to exceed two mandates. This idea is also present in the speech of members who are not militant, such Fabien for example. Its principal fear is that association is the means for some « to be made foam ».

Luc: I am perhaps a little utopian but that occurs relatively well and the decisions are always made collectively, but I do not want only me, as a Luc, to make decisions. I never made very fundamental decisions on a purely personal basis. I prefer to engage the maximum of people in all [...] I never made very fundamental decisions on a purely personal basis. I prefer to engage the maximum of people in all. The president I do not perceive that like something of very important, it is a way of individualizing somebody too much.

Fabien: What often aggravates me in the associative movements, it is when that becomes a little personal businesses, when that becomes goodwill of some people who find a means there of being made foam. Ca aggravates me little.

The militants are very critical on the way in which the leaders control association. They consider that the management of the capacity within the national direction is too exclusive. Julie considers that the leaders have evil with « to preserve the cold head » and it them suspect to want « to keep the capacity ». Moreover, they fear that it « glibness » of Cassen does not allow « to handle the Parliament ». Luc explains that the members who were present at the CNCL did not dare to intervene with the direction. The militants of the committee isérois were all the more reinforced in their convictions, by learning that at the national level some called into question it « authoritarianism » of Bernard Cassen^157(*). Luc and Thomas evoke even the fact that Cassen would exert only the power within the A.C. Thomas speaks about « national directory ».

The militants isérois seem very attached to the problems of « internal democracy ». Jacques Ion observes that this concern can be generalized with the whole of the contemporary groupings. Questioning of the word of the leaders, it « set language », takes part of this evolution. From now on, the word of organization is perceived as being a barrier with the participation and the expression of the members. Its qualities became its defects^158(*). However, as Jacques Ion notes it, « what is blamed it is less the word of a collective of members than that precisely of one « apparatus » which would confiscate the expression of the whole of the members »^159(*). Moreover, one could note that the militants isérois pareillement were pareillement attached to the questioning of the national word that to the collective expression of the members. The legitimacy of the representatives, the common development of the decisions seem to be the priorities of the committee. However what truly within the committee happenhappens ? That it places the militants they grant to « internal democracy » in their practices ?

Julie : On the level of Attac, there are already phenomena of be able, to keep the capacity. One can give them the right to speak but it is difficult on the level of Attac to play its part of citizen because I believe that it is always difficult for people who are with the head of something to preserve the cold head and to give the place to each one, i.e. it is difficult to obtain national a certain number of things [...] I think that they is people who have efforts to make to put in acts the beautiful ideas of participative democracy and to give to the citizens the possibility of having weight.

Thomas: There is not large-thing which occurred. Because all was tied up and the glibness or of Mr. Cassen and Mr Tartakowski, even if I do not owe them badly of respect because they are qualified people, but on top they fished.

Luc [it evokes the unfolding of the CNCL]: And then in more [...] after there are full people who came to find me and who said to me « One agreed with you » but nobody says it! There is a weight of the structure of head on the local committees which makes that people do not dare. And even of people whom I estimate. I could have intervened by saying that they was scandalous but I did not do it. If one intervenes within a very heavy framework, one ends up passing through extremists who want all to break, it is the reaction of step badly of people who say « one does not want to intervene because there is a weight of the Parliament which makes that one does not dare ». The previous evening, one had held a meeting but we were not numerous enough, one was not organized enough to manage to resist this species of collective inertia. A collective inertia which nevertheless is well maintained by the brains trust. They can handle the Parliament. Because people do not dare to intervene, because they are afraid to be made return inside by François Cassen. It is especially Tartakoswki. And it very is always well done

Thomas: The twelve founder members will never come to the meetings, because the founder members almost never come to the meetings and it is all alone Cassen, and all alone Tartakowsky in Paris...

Lionel : The day before [of AG of Saint-Brieuc] 4 or 5 committees whose Isere had met and a member of the office came to see to agree. Moreover this same member of the office had come for the time being Bleue and had said while discussing that the authoritarianism of François Cassen had been called into question by some in association. I was very surprised to see that the questions which arose in Attac Isere had a guarantor equivalent in Paris.

1.3.1.3 Contradictions of the committee isérois

If one observes the working procedure of the committee isérois, it would seem, in spite of the speeches held by the militants, that the decision-making is carried out on modes similar to the national structure. Luc explains that before the decision-making is not clarified, the members of the public meeting were sometimes brought to vote without that being for as much representative of the whole of the members. Following an incident (a group of not-members had occurred in a public meeting in order to affect the decisions of the committee), the decisions take place from now on only within the Board of directors. However, that does not satisfy all the members. For example, Francois, who militated in several organizations, estimates that the Parliament is there only for « to ratify » the decisions which were adopted before at the time of the A.C. Moreover, one can question the representativeness of the turnovers when it is known that alone less than one ten members^160(*) take part in it. The decision « collective », which is made to the 800 members of the group, is thus the result of a discussion and a vote which take place between a small group of militants. Luc besides acknowledg not to know which it represents within the committee. Its election, is according to him the sign of an agreement of the members isérois with the standpoint of the committee.

Mode elective, to which seem attached the militants isérois when it is about the national operating mode, occupies a very restricted place within the committee. Luc recognizes besides that the vote is very seldom used at the time of the A.C. It explains why the consensus is privileged and that it makes so that sufficient debates takes place. The vote is necessary only on two occasions : to put an end to a debate when conflicts of people appear and to be elected committee, which represents a source of legitimacy within a national debate. It is legitimate to wonder about the representativeness of the standpoint which is made in the name of the committee. At the time of AG iséroise 2000, certain members criticized the members of the turnover for their opposition to the national^161(*). Cecile explains that militants of the committee « reproach Attac national for making subjects without the assent of the local committees. However, the turnover of Attac Isere does an utmost of subjects without the assent of the members of Attac Isere! ».

Luc : There was a whole problem of decision within Attac Isere. Because in the beginning, I was not there yet and that it is clarified a few months ago, which makes the decisions within Attac Isere? Is this the Board of directors, or is this the monthly meeting? There were ambiguities not possible. Now one said one speaks to us to the Board of directors about Attac Isere elected during a General meeting. The spirit it is that. The Board of directors is elected and it makes decisions in the name of the Board of directors, it is out of questions that the Monthly meeting and that, that was clarified, makes decisions, because that it is all the anarchistic aspect, there are anarchists with Attac which said the decision is taken collectively. But does that want to say what collectively whereas in the monthly meetings we are around fifty and we are never the 700? Ca is not more representative, on the contrary they are people who are not elected. Moreover, one attended the level of our history... One wanted to make an action for Tunisia and it is me which had taken it in load, and more one action near the Tunisian consulate in Grenoble, one held a front monthly meeting. In this one there are full people with the consulate of Tunisia who came in the monthly meeting to affect our decision. Because in these public meetings one discusses freely. There no had been votes. Now one can make votes at the meetings, but it is said that they are preliminary votes. And then now one says who has his chart of Attac? Because no matter who can come to vote at a public meeting. This problem of democracy is now clear, one makes more decisions in monthly meeting [...] There was no report of front Board of directors. How was the decision made? It was fuzzy. The only decisions which were made in manner clear, these was those that one put on Internet and which are on the site Attac 38.

François : The General meeting is there to only ratify. For example the Board of directors of Attac Isere meets before and comes to the General meeting and says what it decided.

F.E : A few moments ago you said to me that in the Board of directors of Attac Isere there is little vote...

Luc: There is little vote and for example yesterday, when there was a vote was to stop the discussion because in my opinion that turned in the vacuum, therefore to stop I made a vote. But in a general way there is no formal vote, one often arrives at an agreement. Sometimes, for example compared to national coordination, where I asked for a formal vote, to be elected on something, so that I would be elected officially and clearly on something. I say « I ask for a formal vote on top ». Most of the time at the time of the votes, there are one or two people who do not agree or who abstain from. It should be said that one does not discuss badly, and I think that the whole of people are rather different.

Luc : I think that one has certainly same contradictions within Attac Isere, there are people whom one never sees, and it is in that which I say that one does not know what one represents. I know it if one is re-elected or not. These problems of the democracy are posed everywhere.

Cecile : Me I remember to the A.G very well. members, where there still had been the question of the relations with the national which had been put on the carpet, and where finally there was a member who had intervened for saying: «Me I have just learned that Attac Isere east in opposition with Attac national, I did not know it at all, I do not know the terms of the debate at all ! «. Thus the member had adhered to Attac, because it agreed national with Attac because it is Attac national which one sees and it was smelled a little taken as an hostage by the a little polemical standpoint of Attac Isere. Sometimes there is a a little impatient side compared to the national for more democracy in Attac, perhaps but it is necessary to sweep in front of its door initially [...] Not but it is true, when you are in a group, that you have a member who says: «Me I do not include/understand the position of Attac Isere with respect to Attac national». When one reproaches Attac national for making subjects without the assent of the local committees! However, the turnover of Attac Isere does an utmost of subjects without the assent of the members of Attac Isere!

Lionel : There was a problem at the time of the moral report/ratio of the year 2001, i.e. after the General meeting of Saint-Brieuc where the sling of the local committees had taken place. People had received a mail of Isere and they did not include/understand this friction with the national and the office had been very criticized by people who often do not come and who receive information. It did not include/understand why there had been as many problems [...] They badly were nevertheless not criticized even inside Isere. People who came to say «You criticize much but you are not perfect in the way in which you function! ».

Design of « democracy » intern who is present in the speech of the people interviewed excludes personalization from the capacity. However, it would seem that the local committee is taken, as for its operation, in same contradictions as the national. The deliberations of the turnover engage often only one ten members of association. At the general meetings, to which assist between 50 and 60 people, the speakers are generally the members of the A.C. François considers thus that « the more there is world and the more in fact the large mouths speak and the less democratic it is in terms [...] of decision-making ». Cecile considers that the committee is animated only by three or four militants. One can note besides that within Attac Isere, among the 33 stations of persons in charge for groups, 23 are occupied by militant members of the A.C. Certain are present as a member of the turnover, referent of a group and person in charge for a committee of reflection set of themes. There is a concentration of the stations which is thus very strong. The political participation, as Bernard Denni notes it, is characterized by a strong concentration with the profit of some and it is carried out on a model pyramidal (office plurality of adhesions and responsibilities)^162(*). However, one can note that those which occupy the most significant number of functions are not militants « professionals ». For example, Julie, who occupies four stations in association is not adherent of another organization. It has a relatively weak past militant^163(*). Contrary inquired which cumulates adhesions in the other organizations (Cecile, François) do not occupy of the stations with responsibility in the committee or do not invest themselves in those^164(*).

François : Because in the general Assemblies as that of Attac for example one sees that the more there is world and the more in fact the large mouths speak and the less it is democratic in terms of information and decision-making.

Cecile : There are people in Attac Isere which know about all that occurs at one time on all the groups; there are three four people of the turnover which is engaged and which really animates Attac Isere.

The militants isérois seem attached to the procedures of collective deliberations. However, according to Jacques Ion, one would attend since the end of the Sixties a questioning of the elective procedures. The vote, it is the means which allows within an organization of « to release a single expression and thus to make majority will the law of all »^165(*). This virtue of the vote which was exalté before would have become vice today. From now on it appears, like one « means too often used to slow down the processes of discussion and deliberation »^166(*). However, the preference of surveyed for this decisional mode contradicts this evolution. The use which is made vote within the committee, just like within national association, seems to go in a direction which is against the observations of Jacques Ion. The vote does not have here, only one deliberative role. It is used to close a debate or with being elected, i.e. to incorporate the individual wills and to legitimate their representation. There is thus a paradox between the democratic preoccupation of a better legitimacy and a better participation to which the members testify and the modes of deliberation which take place within the committee. It would seem that the militants isérois are confronted with same contradictions as the national direction. Whereas they carry a speech where « democracy » (heard as the collective participation) is central, the operating mode of association seems to escape this principle. How to interpret this paradox ?

One can suppose that the frequent evocations of the topic of the democracy testify, not only, of a real attachment to the concept of collective participation but also of a rhetoric allowing to criticize the national direction. If the militants attach such an amount of importance to the collective representation, it is perhaps in order to be able to play a more important part in the national operation of association. The conflict which opposes the direction of association to the militants isérois, testifies to a will to be recognized within the statutes, as a local committee, in order to have a more important place. The value that the militants grant to the elective mode of designation and the collective participation would be then a means of legitimating their claims.

These contradictions were shown finger on several occasions. Obviously, the attitude of the committee Attac Isere does not achieve the unanimity within association. It is, moreover, famous to be one of the committees most radical against the national direction. This relation is the subject of debates between committees but also between the members isérois.

1.3.2 Relations between Grenoble and Paris

1.3.2.1 A relation of criticized opposition

Certain local committees, reproached the militants isérois for seeking to blame the national and they disapproved their attitude. They were shown to want to seize the power within association by reversing the leaders.

Luc : The first CNCL, one required as of the beginning an inversion of about a day, while saying before starting, it would perhaps be necessary to work in workshops on the function of the CNCL, which it is advisable to do and how one will work, before starting to work. And well not! There are many people who reacted in a very negative way, by saying «What that that this history there! One is wasting our time on discussions which are not worth the cost! », therefore one discussed in a rather random way of a certain number of things and nothing was decided.

Thomas: Of course! One was made treat gauchists, of caliph but all these they were given to their place quickly. Both, three which carried these criticisms there, I physically saw them with the French National Assembly or the national conference by saying that it was really small like reflection. Me my combat it is elsewhere, I do not have anything with foutre of it to become famous inside Attac.

The charges, ranges against the leaders, also are very badly perceived by certain members of Attac Isere. It acts, above all, of charges emanating members who are implied in the committee. Their criticisms rest more on the form of the opposition on its legitimacy. Moreover, some recognize that these reproaches are « perhaps justified » (Fabien), others agree to saying that they are « legitimate » (Lionel). However, they disapprove the mode of opposition which the members maintain the turnover with the national direction. They see an attempt there to obtain a certain form of recognition. Fabien, which was put at the current conflicts with the national by an internal mail^167(*), fears a drift « bureaucratic » of association where « small chiefs want to take the place of the big boss ». Cecile considers it regrettable that confidence with respect to the national is not more present among members of the A.C. It reproaches them one « systematic opposition » which would consist with « to complain to affirm itself a little ». Lastly, Lionel sees an attempt there to obtain a recognition on behalf of the national direction^168(*).

Thomas: There were also criticisms within Attac Isere of people who in did not have enough that the problems are always re-sifted, of the bond with the national while saying «Yes to seek you the recognition of the main road! », whereas one does what one has to do and one mobilizes as one can and one is far from being the least effective.

Fabien : I would not like that Attac gives the impression to me to become too bureaucratic. I do not find but the fact that the section of Isere starts to criticize the national direction. I do not like the organizations which seek car-to be finalized. I.e. the organizations, where at the end of a certain time, the action consists in criticizing the chiefs, to try to take their place, to have debates on problems who interest only the bunch, to lose sight of the fact the initial sight. I believed to understand that the section of Isere had left very in war against the national direction. It east can be very justified, but I am wary of this kind of things, because often in the organizations at the end of one moment there are problems of leadership, there are small chiefs who want to take the place of the big boss and at the end of one moment that turns in round. It is what I call an association which tries to finalize itself. And then it loses sight of the fact this why it was made up. That was a little my fear.

Cecile : In all the organizations which want to be national, even international, one should not be deluded, there is a direction which makes the decisions and everyone cannot take part in the decision-making immediately. There too, confidence must play. As from the moment when you adhere to an organization and that there is a minimum of debates of ideas inside the organization, you can think that overall the standpoint at the national level more or less will resemble hold [...] Afterwards, me I think that there is also a share of parano, because I said that Attac Isere has a side parano, there is a very polemical side [...] Sometimes it there with temptation to complain to complain, to affirm themselves a little [...] Moreover, one discredits oneself by doing that. They is not the intelligent standpoint, it is systematic opposition.

Lionel : I include/understand completely also criticisms which there were against the national bus considering energy that they deploy, I understand that they consider it regrettable that they are not recognized with respect to the movement [...] It is completely legitimate, I think, that they reproached these objections in Paris and then there is the emotional one and it is controlled less. The fact of not being recognized. One is a little in the dialectical difficult one who reproaches his father and who seeks to be recognized. There is a little that.

1.3.2.2 Relations without ambiguities ?

The critics coming from the local committees and the members isérois were very badly accepted by the leaders of Attac Isere. It is in order to avoid any suspicion, which they post a certain distance in the relations that they maintain with the national. The militants isérois insist, during talks, on their independence and the little of bonds which the committee maintains with the national persons in charge. At the time of the national Assemblies, three mails were sent to Cassen but they remained unanswered, specifies Luc^169(*). No member of the turnover never came to meet the local persons in charge. The committee, adds Thomas, was always independent of the national at the time of the organization of gatherings like that of the Blue Hour^170(*), where the speaker had been contacted directly within the scientific Council without passing by the means of the national. The militants post a certain pride as for this independence. Thomas makes a point of specifying that when it exerted the function of president, it is not « ever brought closer physically » of the leaders in order to be able to preserve his « freedom of word ». Lastly, its declarations always took place « in clearness and in front of everyone ». In the same way, the current president affirms that it does not have « no the contact moreover » that the official documents which are transmitted to him. Inquired testify to a fear to be shown of collaboration with the national. Contrary, Thomas shows certain persons in charge for committee to have too much approached the direction and to have been done turned over like « crepes ». The militants isérois present their interventions as being « satisfied » and they are defended never not to have sought to take the place of the leaders. Luc fears that the militants isérois are not taken for « separatists ». Thomas, whereas he was still the president of the committee, had expressed himself at the time of AG of St Brieuc to specify that its intention was not to seize the power but to be made hear as a local committee.

Luc: One tried during one year to send a certain number of messages to them to which one received no answer, therefore one gave up. I currently do not have any contact with the national, except within the framework of the national conference of the local committees where by definition one tries to send something in their saying what one asks, but one forever have answer thus that stops there. With Sylvie Derrien, it responsible for the coordination of the local committees, I do not have a problem but it does not call us except when there is a problem to treat. It sends documents which are intended for everyone, like convocations to the CNCL. It makes its job, it is an employee but there is not a contact moreover. Me what I regret, it is that each time one writes in Cassen, one did not have only one answer.

Thomas: There is always, when I say it is to us Attac Isere, fact alone and it is our great merit to defend our opinions compared to them [national leaders] but also to defend the topics of Attac. One manages, until the Blue Hour one had ever asked of assistance of the national, all the contacts with share Rene Passet, one managed to have all our speakers and one asked forever so that they unroll us the red carpet to bring us our speakers to such hour or such hour is one dealt with all. On the other hand one succeeded in being made pay the train tickets and one had there right, there was a participation of the national on top. Then for the next trick at the Blue Hour that will change because it will be necessary that one pays and one will ask for subsidies. For the speakers one passed by the scientific Council for Rene Passet, if not for the remainder one contacted them on the right on the left. For Susan George or Vincent Spain one contacted them at the end of a conference.

F.E : There are members of the national office who already came to Attac Isere?

Thomas: Not! Not! Not... Not... Not yet. One had, I believe to send a letter to Cassen for him to say to come, I remember more. Not there is nobody who came, perhaps that it will have to be done. But as from the moment when mail is sent, I think that if they had answered. There was not an answer, one made three mails. It is for that which one wondered whether it is the fact of not agreeing on topics at the national level but it is a problem of democracy within association.

Thomas: Me I am wary of all that is institution, personality is thus I never approached Cassen physically or of Tartakowsky or people like that, I always wanted to keep my freedom of word [...] But I think that I am whatever one of sincere and whatever one of just. I did not benefit from the situation of president to place itself near them. I never challenged them directly, I never discussed with them in a corner, me I always speak in clearness and in front of everyone. Whereas there are others which were turned over like crepes and which, two years ago, were critical and large mouths and which six months after, one found them by treating us like irresponsible, the and immature ones...

Luc : One tries to be a solution to arrive, without calling into national question it, because one does not want to break Attac, it is nevertheless currently the only tool which one knows who allows to brawl from this point of view there, one really does not want to break it [...] It is what they fear at the national level and it is what we fear if one sets up this coordination of the local committees, one fears being taken for separatists whereas it is not at all the case.

Thomas: Maintaining with the passing I think that they were afraid that one foute shit with the General meeting, whereas one was really not there for that and I spoke in this direction, by saying that one was not with fouteurs of shit [...] That I was not there for foutre in the air Attac and that it did not take place to fear to us an unspecified takeover, compared to that [...] They were afraid them, the office especially, Cassen, Tarta and Khalfa, they were afraid of that but it was a fear which was not founded [...] And Cassen, Tarta, Khalfa perhaps in less measurement because it is recognized syndicalement, have fears that there is a physical takeover in the direction where there are people who hustle them and whom one puts of others at their place. Me I have anything of it has to beat. I have anything with foutre of it to show myself in Attac and to take part, to make me foam at Cassen... And you know it I could have done it several times.

The relation of opposition which characterizes the committee isérois with respect to the national direction takes part, according to Jacques Ion, in a questioning of the traditional modes of organizations which appear too rigid. The working procedure would have become a priority. The participation of the members and the legitimacy of the representatives would incarnate the new concerns of the militants. These evolutions represent the emergence of new values within engagement (the participation, legitimacy). To give an account of it, it is possible to put in bond, like does it Alain Lancelot, the rise of the associative movements with the crisis of legitimacy of the traditional political organizations^171(*). Consequently, according to Domenica Mehl, « the political place of the associative movement is defined initially in hollow [...] [Associations] are used then as substitute with the deficiency of the representative institutions »^172(*). Association would be equipped with the values which are missing with the traditional groupings. The attachment with the associative mode would be one of the vectors of engagement.

2 the associative share of engagement

« « To find a form of association which defends and protects from all the common force the person and the goods of each associate, and by which each one, being linked with all, however obeys only itself, and remains as free as before. » Such is the fundamental problem whose social Contract gives the solution. The clauses of this contract are determined so much by the nature of the act, that the least modification would make them vain and of no effect »

Attac, is an association of law 1901. However, in the beginning, the proposal of Ramonet which was published in the Diplomatic World evoked the constitution of a nongovernmental Organization (ONG). Thus it suggested in December 1997 of « to create, on the planetary scale, the organization nongovernmental Action for a Tobin tax of assistance to the Attac- citizens »^173(*). During the meeting which take place the 16/03/1998 between the future founder members the project of an ONG had still been evoked^174(*). However, the project of an ONG was transformed into May 1998 in one « international association »^175(*). At the time of the deposit of the statutes, it « With » of the acronym which referred initially to « Action » from now on it meant « Association ». Thereafter, the idea of an ONG was not evoked any more officially. Bernard Cassen pointed out, at the time of the turnover of February 17, 1999, that Attac was not an ONG but one « French organization internationalist »^176(*). At the time of AG 1999, it was specified that in the long term, « it is possible to build, with others, large the ONG international which will be able to express the needs for the people, to be opposed to the dictatorship markets, to show that « another world is possible »^177(*). According to this document of the office, the idea of an ONG would remain the set aim. It acts, moreover, of a claim which is supported by certain members. They propose that Attac becomes an ONG so that, for example, it is possible to fiscally deduce the donations which are made. Perhaps the associative form has T it privileged because of its flexibility ? It is imprudent to speculate in the fact that Attac became an association and that the preliminary draft of ONG failed. However, in what the engagement of surveyed has T it a bond with the associative form of the movement ?. It is necessary for that to identify the representation of the associative form, such as it appears during talks.

2.1 Associative virtues

Martine Barthélémy explains the passion for associative engagement by the fact that association represents a whole of values near the militants. The principal virtue of association would be freedom. The concept of freedom covers two phenomena here. Association would be, first of all, the organization in which the member would have an additional liberty of action in comparison with the more hierarchical forms (political trade unions and parties). It is about « personal freedom whose associative step allows the expression »^178(*). In addition, association would be perceived, contrary to the structures partisanes, like a mode of organization facilitating the diversity of the opinions. It is the idea of one « right of the association, founded on « pluralism » and it « diversity » of the ideas which exchange themselves there and the individuals who meet there »^179(*). What within Attac Isere happenhappens ? In what the engagement of surveyed has T it a bond with the associative form of the movement ? Y has to you it a homogeneous representation of the association among those Ci, which would be similar to that that Martine Barthélémy describes ?

2.1.1 An additional liberty of action

2.1.1.1 The refusal of a hierarchical and centralized operation

First of all, inquired are rather refractory with the trade unions and the political parties, have regard to their centralism. It acts according to them, of organizations which are generally « bureaucratic » and « centralized ». Luc, who militated since the Seventies in CFDT, considers it regrettable that a dualism growing appeared within the trade unions between « base » and it « head ». In addition, it is defined, him even, like one « militant at the base » and states to have tried to work until its resignation with « the base ». Its trade-union participation remained primarily on the level of its company. At the end of its militancy, it considers that CFDT to him forever truly given its support, and that it was limited to perceive the contributions. Luc estimates that the trade-union persons in charge are not located in a strategy of defense of paid but which they are « include in the problems of being able ». He declares, in addition, during maintenance, that the originality of Attac is to be outside the problems of being able, i.e. in position of « countervailing power ». Laurent also perceives this cut between the militants and the persons in charge within the political parties. The parties do not correspond to « movements of ideas » but with « stables » in favor of the leaders. Laurent remains perplexed in front of the fact that certain individuals can militate in the parties since they do not have any direct benefit to expect some.

Some inquired reject the structure trade-union and political because they criticize its vertical mode of organization where « base » is deprived of a reality capacity^180(*). Stanislas Varennes, during a study devoted to the associative militancy, could notice that the people who privilege the associative structure wish, above all, a mode of engagement which goes against the trade-union or political centralism. It would be about « to mitigate the defeat of the representative democracy by the development of « participative democracy » »^181(*). Vis-a-vis the rigidity of the trade-union and political structures, organized in a vertical way the associative model is presented like a flexible and not hierarchical structure, making it possible each one to take part^182(*). What on the level of engagement within Attac happenhappens ?

Luc : It is there that I realized of a certain number of problems which arise for the trade-union level... Finally it is an analysis of the company which I make when I say that. On the one hand, between the trade-union specialists who are with the head and bases, there are specialists who transformed themselves into experts and who do not take account of the base at all [...] The trade unions are more and more in a néo-liberal position, they are completely integrated into the system. Because people who are with the head of the trade unions, I speak about the majority trade unions and I do not speak solely about CFDT, they are people who are included in the problems of being able, which fight and which discuss with the policies but like the policies!

Laurent : It is a question of people because the policy in general that challenges me and until now I had never crossed the step to adhere a movement. The political movements are for me a little too many the stables, it does not seem to me that are movements of ideas. In any case I would not find to really militate for a party [...] Then me of the blow I would like to speak with militants about the socialist party to know why they militate on their level, it wet their shirt, they will stick leaflets whereas directly they do not have anything to gain there... Except so really they believe in the person... Perhaps that it is that.

2.1.1.2 Association : an organization with flexible operation

Vis-a-vis these modes of organization which do not correspond to waitings of certain members, Attac is presented like a structure « flexible », in which the initiative and liberty of action is very important^183(*). For Julie, while the political and trade-union structures appear « old women » and « solidified », Attac represents an association « very young person », in « construction » and of which emerged are dubious. It evokes one « continuous creation ». The associative form which is framed, would allow more « confrontation », of « seek » and of « reflection », whether within a party or of a trade union.

Associative form A seems you he contributed to the engagement of several members. It is a question for them of taking part in one « experiment ». Lionel was justified by one « intellectual curiosity » which led it to be interested in becoming movement. It is also for this reason that it went to AG of St Brieuc, in October 2000. It seems very interested by the conflict which exists between the local committees and the national direction. In the same way what challenged Julie, these are not the claims that Attac defends, it is above all the form of militancy which was proposed. Attac launched, according to it, a call to « to awake the citizen » and with « to reflect together to see how that can move ». Julie represents her engagement like one « experiment » of mobilization. It is about the advisability of again taking part in something and of seeing how association evolves/moves. In addition, Julie, perceives the problems of internal democracy and the combat, in which it takes part, for the recognition of the local committees like a first challenge with « to change the things ». The problems with the national direction does not constitute a factor of demobilization in its engagement. On the contrary, it acts for Julie, of an additional motivation because these problems return, according to her, with the slogan defended by Attac, namely : « It is together about réapproprier the future of our world ». What has place in association precedes what can take place has a scale of « community of country ». By the innovation of its form Attac would symbolize a first social change. It is about an experiment « on a scale which makes it possible to include/understand what occurs », while the mechanisms of finance have a dimension which him « escape ».

Julie : Attac is a very young association and one does not know what that will give [...] For me what is important it is that it is an association which gives the possibility to people of reflecting, one meets a diversity of people whom I find very interesting. As from the moment when will have structured itself in the form of political party, one will not gain an opening and there will be the fine words and all this side, the a little parallel reflections that will not be any more one reflector space and confrontation, of research bus for the Attac moment for me it is that, a continuous creation. For me what interesting it is that that called upon each citizen [...] But I find nevertheless that there are interesting things, I find that it is tonic, perhaps that in five or six years Attac will have become a routine association and that that will have changed

Lionel : I find that rather interesting. In was my motivation to join Attac Isere, there the idea to meet people with whom one divides something and then also by intellectual curiosity on the creation of a movement which is created, to what that corresponds, what is played? Thus there it was rather dimension close to my not professional interests but to interests for the psychosociological glance, all the dimension of the social sciences compared to this human group with a phenomenon which appears very current to me in our time. It is something which is born, which tries to react to problems with all that touches the social life and the individual [...] There was a political effect in this assembly owing to the fact that for Paris, their concerns are as a creator of Attac and there is a phenomenon which overflows the intellectual framework by which that created. It is rather interesting to see this sling that it could there y have at one time given between the local committees and the office of Paris, this research to be made recognize and to say Attac it is not simply the office of an association they are also all people who make it up. Me I was going there to see.

Julie : But me particularly it is not that which attracted me, it is that at the same time it tackled problems and a vision of the world and that it said to each one one will reflect together to see how that can move. I returned not in organization which was old, which was already installed and which had already a very precise policy, I returned in an association which called upon each one and which was to thus build it is an experiment. There are things which go, which evolves/moves, there are conflicts, the things which go well, of the interesting things but also of confrontations, but also of the things with which one does not agree and it is necessary to see whether one is able to make move also inside even of Attac the things with which one does not agree. How can be negotiated different opinions? How can one manage to produce something together? Because I say myself if one is able to do it in Attac, it does not have no reason there so that one cannot do it elsewhere i.e. in other groups and why not on the level of a community much larger, a community of country... It is perhaps completely utopian but I think that the advantage of Attac it is that it is something which begins and which builds from day to day [...] Alors I think that it is interesting because it is still with my measurement on the level of the wheels, as much on the level it financial capacity there is something of very complicated and there are things which escape to us, Attac association is still on a scale which makes it possible to include/understand what occurs and that interests me much to see how it evolves/moves and to see what occurs, how it will evolve/move and how each militant who is in Attac and who Attac came because it was precisely the result of a call to awake the citizen who is of each one of us, how it will manage and how will make live its within the association which claims EC objective [...] It is true that for me it is an experiment what occurs there, it is an experiment to see an important mobilization which can change something if there is indeed this possibility of making pressure to change what I do not like [...] Is one still able to mobilize oneself and move so that really one is made hear as men and women of this world? Me it is what interests me.

2.1.2 The respect of pluralism

2.1.2.1 The refusal of conformism

The traditional organizations are also perceived as being a limit with the freedom of thought. This criticism is much more frequent in connection with the parties than trade unions. According to members', the parties occupy in the political life a role of movement of ideas which is not currently filled any more. Thus Fabien qualifies the French political life of « flatness ». It also expresses its concern with respect to the report/ratio which the young people with the policy maintain. It considers that there is no more sufficient « effervescence on the level of the ideas » so that the young people draw to engage politically. Laurent affirms, on several occasions, that it feels challenged by « policy ». However, the parties do not correspond, according to him, with « movements of ideas » but with « stables ».

Fabien : It is not on the level of the political parties that one can find effervescence on the level of the ideas. They are a little, I do not dare to say sclerosed, but locked up in a certain intellectual comfort. Me what appears serious to me, it is that the political life at present must have enormously evil to interest the young people [...] What irritates me, it is that in the political parties, whatever they are, there is much flatness, it does not have there nothing less filling with enthusiasm. And if I have a concern to express, it is that I do not see how the young people can truly be motivated by interests of a political nature.

Laurent : It is a question of people because the policy in general that challenges me and until now I had never crossed the step to adhere to a movement. The political movements are for me a little too many the stables, it does not seem to me that they are movements of ideas. In any case I would not find to really militate for a party.

This devalorization of the trade-union and political organizations matches of a criticism of militant engagement. Fabien estimates that trade-union engagement is « limited ». He regrets that the standpoint of the direction is followed in a strict way without critical glance. There exists, according to him, a intellectual conformism within these structures. It explains, moreover, why at the time of the movements of strike of 1995, it had taken part in a union meeting during which it had supported the Juppe plan under criticisms of the trade unionists present. Little time after, of the members of F.O (working Force) had acknowledged to him that in spite of their agreement, they were constrained by their trade union to post their disapproval. Fabien considers that his/her colleagues trade unionists were « afflicting ». Contrary, it is described as being somebody of « undisciplined » and of « independent ». It justifies, in addition, the fact that he is a professor of university by the autonomy which its work confers to him. Laurent also devalues the trade-union militancy or policy which supposes, according to him, of « to put blinkers ». Adhesion has a party seems to him « foreign » because that supposes to adhere completely to one « ideology » or one « doctrines ». Political engagement raises, according to him, of the same belief as religious engagement; the militant is located in « vaults » too constraining. One could expect that this representation is not shared by those which militate in political organizations. However Cécile, who militates with the LCR, shares a similar design. She acknowledges to be afraid to be prone, within her organization, with one « endoctrination ». It is to avoid « to stop reflecting », that it wishes to militate in another organization. It privileges for this second choice, an association since it militated before in Ras the Face of 1996 to 1999 and that it adhered to Attac in January 2000. This second engagement enables him not to militate « in closed vase » in the LCR and to keep one « critical spirit ».

Fabien : I do not know if you remember of all these demonstrations which took place at the time of the Juppe plan [...] I saw a whole series of positive aspects there. I found that this plan went rather in the good direction. I was the statement rather freely and people who were there, in particular Force trade union Working, were savagely against the plan Juppe and I was very strongly disputed. It was a general assembly which had taken place with the faculty of economic sciences. The amphitheater was full and one was several to express itself. Me much was criticized and two days later I meet people of the brain trust of Working Force in Paris, and they say to me «In the content this plan Juppe, it is not so badly that that but one cannot allow themselves to say it. In the content one does not find it badly. But on the public place one is obliged to say that it is found bad». Just as when the CSG had been installation, I had a colleague which was with the economic service of CGT, CGT had left completely in war against the generalized social contribution, which at the bottom was not so badly only that. And this colleague says to me «At the bottom, one is not if against but it is necessary that it is said that one is against because the direction said». And that I do not include/understand [...] In the trade unions there is much sclerosis. I like the trade unions [...] but there are forms of militancy which are limited a little and it is often these which hold a little the top of the paving stone.

Fabien : I belonged to a trade union of teachers, National Trade union of Higher education, the SNESUP. I adhered my first years of teaching to it to the university. I started in 1970 and I was there during nearly ten years. I adhered initially to the SNESUP, then I was aggravated. There is an excessive corporatism, a lack of reasoning. It is a little the characteristic of a trade union, but there are several degrees. There it was really corporatism, the nose on the handlebar. I quickly wearied myself, and then my colleagues were very limited. There were some who were afflicting. To take part in the meetings had become for me a martyrdom. When the trade-union literature appears repetitive to you and very automatic in these reactions...

Fabien : I am somebody of rather independent I have evil to channel myself in a party, the discipline of party is something which is unbearable for me. I am somebody of very undisciplined and that weighs to me to be framed by a party. It is a certain number of things which make that I will not have any more the impression to feel sufficiently free, if I were adherent with a political party. I do not manage to give an opinion on a side or other. One leads to total nonsenses, as well within the parties of the trade unions [...] And often when one is framed by political parties, one is obliged to make concessions. If I am university, it is because it is one of the trades which allows one of greatest freedoms to think. This is why I do not want to go to militate in structures where I am afraid to be channeled too much.

Laurent : That was a source of inclination a long time, I am interested in the policy but at the same time I have a kind of conscience this clearness, to engage in a movement I think that some share it is necessary to be a little idiot in the direction where it is necessary a little to be limited. In all that is political there is no absolute truth and it is all the time a question of prospects. And to choose a prospect is nevertheless to put blinkers, even if it lucidly is done, it does not have there a truth. To engage some share it is necessary to be a little idiot, the militants pure and hard I do not like them [...] Blow while having a kind of will to imply me as a citizen, I never really did it because I do not want to lock up me [...] When I was student I had met people who were adherent with communist youths and I looked them like strange people, they challenged me because I wondered who they are. For me they are different people and I very smell them far from me, I did not include/understand how one could adhere to the Communist Party. That seemed to me strange because they are in a vault with an ideology, a religion. Of the same title than people who believe in a god, as anybody they question me because I say myself how they make, it is a little the same thing at the bottom. In any case there are common points between the doctrines that it is chocolate éclair or laic, less now.

Cecile : Me I always was very afraid compared to the League to stop reflecting, i.e. it is a party which has an enormous political tradition and there is a certain number of people who very clearly have a political positioning with respect to the things and they are able to insert you. The fact that I see other things in addition and that I have other reflections that prevents me from remaining in the line. I have a certain mistrust compared to that, compared to the endoctrination. I will militate only in vase closed with the League because it is true that if I card-indexed myself completely what is made on the level of the militant world and I could not have any more one critical spirit with respect to the League. To militate elsewhere that enables me to have a critical positioning with respect to my own party. I nevertheless have the ideas of the League in addition which I have desire of for diffusing there elsewhere in the associative world and thus for going to militate elsewhere.

2.1.2.2 A compartmental engagement

The political parties and the trade unions are described like organizations not allowing the individual to freely be described. On the other hand, inquired clearly differentiate the operating mode from Attac. According to Cecile, the operation of an association is more « flexible » that that of a political party. According to it, the standpoint of the individuals is given in a party, by « their global vision of the things and their vision of the strategy of the party ». The absence of « project of company » in Attac allows the members « to position more or less in withdrawal by contribution with a topic ». For Laurent, while political engagement translates one « phenomenon of belief », adhesion with Attac is connected more with one similarity of « prospects ». The idea of prospect is more singular and less constraining than that of belief which supposes a total adhesion. To support a prospect, according to Laurent, does not prevent « to be conscious that the truth is not absolute ».

Cecile : It is very different from a form of party. You have a program whereas in Attac you have claims. You have a general program with a general vision of the company, it is worked out by the militants of the party and then there is a structuring in tendencies. The standpoint of people is determined by their global vision of the things and their vision of the strategy of the party and you have an organization compared to the standpoint on the company. Attac it is a whole of claims structured around the tax Tobin and from what goes with, there is a bond between its claims, but you do not have something of programmatif with a project of company to establish. That allows something of much more flexible contrary to parties where the vision of the company determines the organization. In Attac each individual can position more or less in withdrawal by contribution with a topic. Then you do not have the development of the Attac line by a congress which would gather all the members who would have been elected on the basis of tendency. It is not really centralized because the centralism it is the fact that the base is represented at the top and gives its confidence to the top to make act everyone. Attac that is not that. It is something again and it is difficult to characterize [...] That is not an operation of party because in a party there is legitimacy only because there is an election by the base of the party.

Laurent : Even in a movement as Attac they are people who carry ideas and there is a phenomenon of belief. But I less see that in terms of belief but of prospects, there are various perceptions of the things, reality one can see it several manners. One can be conscious that the truth is not absolute while having a prospect for the company, to give him an orientation. The Attac movement is in coherence with my perception and it is for that that I adhered. I see a perception of the world, already the fact that it is international, then that it am not radical in his approach of the things, it acts more to direct and to control reality in a direction which more social, more human and is centered more towards the development and it is that the direction which interests me. It seems to to me that the direction of Attac it is this one and mine it is the same one.

Attac is also represented like an organization « opened » in which it is possible to meet a great diversity of political or trade-union affiliations. For example, Isabelle, for whom it acts of the first engagement, did not wish to adhere to organizations which has « really limited ideas »; what it compares to the fact of « renter in a box ». Attac seemed to him a movement equipped with one « opening on full with things », allowing one « confrontation of ideas [which is] much broader ». In the same way, Laurent explains that it adhered to Attac because it returned in agreement with « prospect » and the claims which association proposes. It acts, for him, of one « movement of ideas [...] who is rather broad ». Lastly, the engagement of Fabien seems revealing opening whose inquired Attac accredit. Fabien, explains why it preferred to engage in Attac rather than in the group against the single thought^184(*). This group remains, according to him, very « intellectual » and it represents one « goodwill very university ». Contrary, Attac seemed to him to be a ' think tank ' « who is not closed too much [...] too much specialized [...] too much confined ». It appears, during talks, that this representation of association contributed to the engagement of surveyed much. However, that is observable only for those which were not registered in militant networks (Isabelle, Laurent, Fabien, Julie), while those which can be described as being militants « professionals «attach little importance in their engagement to the fact that Attac is an association. This is coherent with the fact that the engagement of the least militant is accompanied by a rejection of the political and trade-union organizations.

Isabelle : And of the blow one was interested there, one had had a little the same step, i.e. one did not have desire for returning in a party, because one inevitably, one is not determined has ideas but one did not feel to return in a box, a party which has really limited ideas. And there, Attac that seemed to us a little different, an opening on full with things with different people and, since there are people who adhere at the same time to trade unions, parties... That enabled us to have a confrontation of ideas much broader.

Laurent : And there the movement Attac, it is that with what I returned more in agreement to engage me in an action. It is a movement citizen which is carrying a prospect on the company and which has practical claims, it does not seek either to seize the power. It is a movement of influence, it is not a lobby, it is a movement of ideas and influence which is rather broad.

Fabien : Yes, but it is a group of economists which remains very intellectual [...] But I prefer Attac because it is broader like approach. Owing to the fact that they are not that economists, it is perhaps not more badly. What interests me at Attac, it is that it is at the same time a ' think tank ', but a ' think tank ' which is not closed too much, which is not specialized too much, which is not confined too much. The support of the Diplomatic World, in my opinion, it is something of important. And then Attac, is related to different mediums. Whereas the group against the single thought, I agrees with them, it is well, but they are how much? They are perhaps 200, even not. They remained goodwill university and to my knowledge they do not seek to cause adhesions. They did not send to the groups of economists and to the professors of university a mail in their saying « Here are what one does and if you agree, join us! » [...] Perhaps that people of the call against the single thought, one envies to remain a little between them because it is their originality and their idea and they do not want that it is too much divided and diluted. Perhaps that they estimate that that is not their vocation.

While the political parties and the trade unions represent organizations « rigid » which supposes a total engagement of the individual, association is perceived as being opened with a multiplicity of opinions. This diversity is explained by the fact why adhesion with an association can be done starting from a compartmental agreement and does not presuppose a total engagement^185(*). All that concerns the total one, as notes it Emmanuelle Reynaud, is compared to a vague and scattered engagement and is returned to the political parties^186(*). The regrouping of individuals distinct, and sometimes opposite, within the same association is all the more possible, this aggregation is perceived as being transitory. The individuals do not seem to be constrained by their engagement. It is that to which testify Attacants isérois. Many of inquired, as well those who are members of other organizations (Francois, Cécile), that those which do not have of other adhesions, agrees to recognize that if the divergences were too important the movement would separate. They represent Attac like a provisional heterogeneous regrouping with an aim of supporting a certain number of particular claims. Adhesion thus does not seem to be perceived like a constraining act.

F.E: There are certain differences between the members of Attac [...] isn't that likely to pose problems to defend the same thing for different reasons?

Fabien: For the moment these differences are not affirmed too much, I do not see it like that [...] There will be always average to dissociate and to get clear, the day when one can feel embrigader in a voice which was not that which was initially privileged.

Laurent : On the other hand on the level of the political opinions it is nevertheless very broad, there is opened an enough left... Finally let us say moderate and a rather extreme left like the LCR. There is many the militants who are gauchists and there are also people who are moderated from their approach and their point of view. After I also know that there is an Attac group at the national assembly, and there are centrists who are adherent and thus Attac it is a movement which is rather heteroclite. I do not think that there are people of right-hand side really. On the level of the small Isere group the speech which I hear is enough extremist. Me I am not turn in agreement with that.

Laurent: Not, of course that not. Already they agree to found the tax Tobin and they in common have already that. I think that they put the same direction behind me, and in any case it does not matter, it is more the manner of carrying the project which is different. In my opinion in the history of a movement, one moment ago when the ideas is so minority that one does not put too the question, it is perhaps after that can pose problem. Moments ago when the movements are divided into several currents.

François: Ca it is on everyone is for the tax Tobin, everyone is for the cancellation of the debt of the Third World, everyone... Everyone is not obliged to agree. For example, I know that on NATO one will not have debates because I know that if there is a debate [...] there will be differentiations and it is normal. One will not agree and one will not take actions together on NATO. One can have the debate, that does not prevent... But to lead to a militant practice... But you see I think that one is to make there choices together, not to cleave yourself. Thus... Thus well yes. On NATO, between those which think that it is the arm armed with America and those which say that it is the guaranteeing one of the world order and stability and the rights of the people, there is something which makes that one does not have on the same foot, that one does not agree. But it is not serious. One will not fight on this ground together. One will make the remainder together one walks some of the way the bit of a walk which one can make. One is in disagreement on top and when one does not agree each one turns over to its organization, these activities, its trade union.

2.1.3 A disputed freedom

The associative mode seems equipped with the glance with the militants of a whole of virtues. However, the perception of the associative mode homogeneous at is not surveyed. For some, it represents a sign of democracy compared to political parties and trade unions. On the other hand, certain people interviewed affirm that the associative form is a too exiguous framework which restricts the participation of the members. For example, Lionel considers that the associative form was not necessary to the local level because it is already present at the national level. This is why Lionel militates within the committee only since October 1999, whereas it adhered to national association in July 1998. It sought a regrouping whose operation is more « abstract » and whose development can be more « spontaneous » and « unforeseeable » that an association. It thought of militating in the Savoy committee which did not constitute itself in association. Not having been able to adhere to it (for professional reasons), it joined the committee isérois « on the point of the feet » almost a year after its creation. Lionel hesitated much since Attac Isere is an association law 1901. The associative form represents for him an organization of group « ground » and which imposes on its participants, one « tally » and one « yoke ». Since, its Lionel adhesion refused to take part in the sets of themes groups of reflection which exist in the committee. It also did not wish to integrate the Board of directors, in spite of the fact that it appear among the most former militants of the committee.

Lionel : I adhered very quickly to Attac, in the month which followed its creation on the national level. I started to go to see in Savoy how that occurs, because I have a work over there [...] I knew that in Grenoble created for itself an Attac association and I was not there immediately because of the framework even of association with elected officials, an office, chair. I am relatively careful. In Savoy, there had been discussions to which I had assisted and they wondered whether it were necessary to create an association or a committee and they have in makes lean rather for a type of operation of committee, i.e. which is not an organization with a framework of official operation. Association it is already an organization which is largely thought and ground, an organization of group. That imposes a framework with all that that implies, i.e. a yoke. I more thought of registering me in something of more spontaneous, in a more unforeseeable creation in the organization. Because one is in something which is to be created and to institute. One was several to think that the associative framework was not necessary because it is already established on the national level. This official representation it currently exists but what one could live on a small scale could be different [...] I joined them more than six months after creation. It was the associative form which slowed down me a little, and then, I came on the point from the feet. I came for a demonstration organized by Attac in October 1999, practically a year after the formation of Attac Isere. I wanted nevertheless to try to join or meet people who adhered to Attac and which a priori shared common ideas with me.

The critics who are formulated concerning the operation of Attac seem to go against the associative model. Association, as Stanislas Varennes notes it, represents an operating mode « flexible » which facilitates the participation of the members. Contrary to the centralism of the strongly hierarchical structures, association is characterized by a horizontal model where the capacity is diffuse. However, there are, according to inquired, within the national structure of Attac, a strong concentration of the capacity. One « directory national " would exert, according to Thomas, a unilateral control on the operation of association. We are thus far from operation « flexible » and « opened » that certain members evoked. The same reproaches were formulated against the procedure of the committee isérois. The decision-makings would be carried out only within the turnover and would leave with the variation the majority members. The associative structure suitable, according to some is not surveyed, for a local committee because it supposes a too rigid operation. Several inquired consider that there is a too important formalism within the isérois group. Cecile insists on several occasions on the difficulties which it encountered in her militancy. She adhered with an aim of setting up a specific group for the campus but which is related to the committee isérois. She ran up, explains T she, with several obstacles in the operation of the group. For example, Cécile had the idea, in February 2001, to publish a newspaper suitable for the campus group which is entitled Trat' Attac. The turnover, which was very being wary, wished to have a right of glance on the articles which were published. After the publication of the first newspaper, which had not been subjected to the approval of the turnover, the militants of the campus were very criticized. It was then decided that any document should be presented to the A.C. Cecile considers it regrettable that the turnover wishes to control the totality of the committee. It results from it, according to it, a lack of confidence which constitutes a barrier to the engagement of the members. It explains why it all the more encountered difficulties, that it laid out of a preceding associative experiment within Ras the Face, where it had taken part in the launching of a newspaper high-school pupil. The direction did not exert any control on the publication. Cecile notes that operation within Attac Isere is not also flexible.

Cecile: Yes, yes it was at the beginning of year, one was said: «that will make a regular activity, on the campus; one will make a newspaper» [...] When the first newspaper was left, it is me, which called them in their saying: «Here one leaves our first newspaper» but one did not show them. It is true that that was super hard, because me, à ce moment-là I could not go with the turnover, it was a buddy who had gone with the turnover for saying that a newspaper had been made. It had been made set fire to by the members of the turnover but then in a really serious way. It had left there super shocked compared to what had occurred.

Cecile: Not! It was not even according to the contents; it was according to the step. One had not passed by the A.C. And they are very afraid of all that is recovery, all that is bursting within Attac which would make that one could not have control on all that is done within the groups. They said: «Any document must pass by the turnover before being published».

Cecile : At the beginning, as I said it to you, it was difficult and in particular that was difficult because one made subjects without the agreement of the turnover, because us, in our head, one had associative experience and one had also a colleges group, one made similar, one drew 12 000 leaflets per month and it was ever read by a member of the office. There was no checking, there was a confidence between the groups. It y forever have problems. As it was a college group, one was forty at the best time [laughter], therefore, as there was world, one considered that it was the fruit of a collective work and that there did not need to pass by again behind to see whether it were in agreement with the ideas of the group. While in Attac, it did not trust us this there.

The formalism of the committee isérois leads, according to Cécile, with « blockings » in the operation of association. First of all the meetings would be anchored in a too rigid form^187(*). For example, Cécile explains that recently the turnover, in which it takes part, tackled a material question relating to the purchase of a cupboard. The discussion overflowed on the casch management and lasted a little less than one hour. Each thing being subjected to the agreement of the members of the turnover, the material concerns occupy a central place in the debates. Moreover, blockings also occur during the mobilizations. For example, precise Cécile, with irony, that at the time of the manifestation of May 1, 2001, the campus group was « elected » by the turnover in order to carry out a streamer. Blockings also occurred when actions were carried out with organizations whose operation is more flexible. It was the case in particular at the time of the Festival of Anti-Kapitaliste Resistance (FRAKA) which take place on the campus. The FRAKA is an association made up of forty students and which have an operation very flexible and not very arranged hierarchically (not of turnover, decisions taken with the consensus). Attac took part in the festival which proceeded in April 2000. However, the members of the FRAKA had cancelled an intervention without informing the committee of it. The members of the turnover were opposed by it. Moreover, the militants isérois had invited Jose Bove on the campus during the course of the festival. The militants of the FRAKA had announced the event in their plate without to have taken part in the organization. That was very badly accepted by the local committee which decided not to take part more in the festival. However, in 2001, Cécile, who attends the members of the FRAKA, wished to take part in it. For that, it decided to adopt a very formal step at the turnover which was constrained to accept the participation of the campus group.

Cecile : And then there are blockings. For example with the last meeting one discussed during three fifteen minutes if one needed a cupboard for Attac Isere to arrange the documents in the FSU room. At the beginning one did not need pieces of furniture spoiled compared to its furniture, one includes/understands them, therefore they were inevitably to buy a cupboard which went with their pieces of furniture. This cupboard was to cost 2400 F. That involved us to have a wide-ranging debate on the treasury and as the trésorière had difficulties.

Cecile : And this year, one held a table of Attac campus, because the relation of between the FRAKA and Attac Isere was a little complicated. In fact, it is because Attac Isere did not appreciate the way in which the FRAKA solicited. Already last year, a person of Attac Isere was to make an intervention for the FRAKA; however the FRAKA had found someone else and they had not prevented. She had begun her work. It is what explains the bad current relations, because Attac it is really a very regulated organization, one cannot do anything, nor to cancel anyhow, it is necessary to pass by the turnover before doing something. Blow, the operating mode of the two organizations was not easily compatible. Eh yes! What had occurred was in connection with Jose Bove. The FRAKA had required of Jose Bove to come on the campus, but they had not obtained an answer and they learned in addition, that the collective had invited Jose Bove. As they were opposed, they had put the arrival of Jose Bove in their plate, to announce the organization. However, as they were not yet Co-organizers, Attac had been irritated by saying that that was scandalous that they write it in their plate. It is really of small quarrels [...] Therefore, which occurs, maintaining it is that one has well measuring rod the trick, and one annoys them with formal subjects supers, the time where I went there, it was to say to them that one wanted to deal with the table with FRAKA. I asked for Cristina the president of the FRAKA to write to a letter, signed the president of the FRAKA to me: «We invite you to come... etc». I presented the letter to them and that annoyed them, because finally, they are on principles, but in reality they apply formal principles supers.

The procedure of the committee isérois and national association seem to go contrary to the values that incarnates the associative mode of organization. Operating mode of the organizations, whatever they are, which developed in France since IIIe République, was characterized, according to Jacques Ion, by an important legal formalism. « extremely meticulous attachment with the payments » and it « fetishism of the statutes » testify to « constant concern to work out a common will anonymously »^188(*). This formalism would tend, according to him, to disappear. And « when well even the legal rules continue to be essential, it is on another register [...] they are respected only by obligation »^189(*). This report probably does not apply to the operation of Attac association. On the contrary, the militants attach much importance to the rules which govern the course of the meetings and the mobilizations. The place which is granted to the statutes, as we saw previously, also goes contrary to this abandonment of the juridism. The committee Attac Isere thus seems to go against the evolutions which currently the organizations know.

This observation must be moderated by a remark. The statutes of the committee impose that a third of the members is present during the unfolding of the General meeting. However, at the time of AG of February 24, 2001 during which the turnover was elected, this quorum was not joined together. Thus, while the committee comprises more than 800 members, only 165 members were present^190(*). The attachment of the militants towards the statutes is thus more prégnant in their speech that in their effective practices^191(*).

The engagement of the militants seems moved by a whole of values which are incarnated by the associative form. As Martine Bathélémy notices it, within the militant representations, the substrate of association is freedom. Contrary, the organizations partisanes are perceived like rigid executives hammering the individual initiative. The associative engagement, which is compartmental, seems a loophole with the speeches globalisants held by « apparatuses ». It is what explains, according to Patrick Lecomte, who « engagement preferably goes worms of associations to goals specialized rather than worms of the political organizations which claim to govern the whole of the company »^192(*). However Attac supports claims on many fields. How to explain that the field of the claims either so broad without it being perceived for as much like constraining ? The speech held by Attac could then be connected with that of a political party. Which limits, the militants pose with the standpoint of association ?

2.2 A precise but total engagement

2.2.1 To fight against the speculation

The Attac acronym, Association for the Tax on the financial Transactions and the Assistance with the Citizens, indicate the first claim on which was based association. The term of transaction is broad but it returns, initially, with the financial transactions, i.e. those which take place on the foreign exchange market. We already evoked the context in which Ramonet proposed the installation of this tax. It was about a very strong economic recession concerning the South-East Asia in 1997, and more particularly Indonesia and Thailand. Their financial and banking systems broke down and the responsibility was allotted to the globalisation and the deregulation for the financial and monetary transactions.^193(*) Ramonet specifies that «the tax on the financial incomes is a minimal democratic requirement. These incomes should be taxed exactly at the same rate as the labor incomes [...] This is why it is important to install dissuasive mechanisms»^194(*). In order to «disarm the markets », it proposes a tax called «Tobin», name of its founder, that Ci being among the possible mechanisms only «one of them».

2.2.1.1 The tax formulated by James Tobin

James Tobin is an American economist, graduate of the university of Harvard and professor at the university of Yale. He obtained the Nobel Prize of economy in 1981 for his financial market researches^195(*). He is considered in the circles of the economists convinced Keynésien and one « anti-Friedman »^196(*). He was the economic adviser of J.F.Kennedy at the beginning of the Sixties and one savage opposing to the economic policy of president Reagan. It is in 1978 that it published the most known article proposing the establishment of a tax on the currency exchange transactions. However its first intervention goes back to 1972, that is to say little of time after abrogation, in August 1971, of the system of rate of fixed exchange, created at the time of the treaty of Bretton Woods in 1944^197(*). The fixed system of exchange, a mode succeeded «floating rates » in which the value of the currencies depends on the play of the market and the strategies adopted by the speakers who are present there. This modification opened the door with the speculation^198(*) on the foreign exchange market.

It is to answer this threat, which represented an important factor of instability within the international monetary system, that Tobin proposed to take a tax on all the private exchange transactions. This tax would be about 0, 1% of the gross value of the transaction, thus making it possible to tax the short-term placements (less than one week) without penalizing the investments which would be made in the long run. It would thus make it possible to make the distinction between the speculative transfers and the not-speculative transfers. The tax would be collected in the country where the transaction is concluded and would require a co-operation between the States which would be possible according to him through the International Monetary organization of the International Monetary Funds set up during the agreements of Bretton Woods. It is a question for him of reducing the speculative activity by penalizing it and thus to limit the volatility of the transactions. The market would be found some restricted with the only exchange transactions necessary to the investment.

The objectives by James Tobin and the economists who supported his proposal are to return to the national monetary policies the autonomy which they lost vis-a-vis the financial markets^199(*). Indeed, in a mode of floating exchange, the tendency to the standardization of the rates on the whole of the markets is very strong, which makes difficult the development of a monetary policy autonomous for the States^200(*). Thanks to the Tobin tax, it would be less necessary to use the interest rates to defend the rate of exchange because the transactions would not be carried out on the basis of speculative profit and the monetary policy of determination of the interest rates could be more easily put at the service of the investment^201(*). The second consequence of the tax would consist of the creation of a form of capital tax which would be uniform universally. The product of this tax could be used for the development aid. However, it was not the principal goal pursued by Tobin. When the idea of a sales tax monetarist with an aim « social » reappeared, Tobin reaffirmed that it was not about its finality^202(*).

2.2.1.2 The D-appropriation of the Tobin tax by Attac

With the stressing of universalization and the facilities of circulation of capital which result from it, the speculative transactions took, during the years 1990, a proportion much more important than they did not have when Tobin made its proposal^203(*). Many economic crises followed one another : crisis of the debt of the countries of the South during years 1980, crisis of Mexico in 1994-95, crisis of the East Asia in 1997, crisis of Brazil in 1998. It is in this context that the idea to tax the financial transactions and the proposal with James Tobin reconsidered the front of the scene. The tax « Tobin » was evoked at the time of the European monetary crisis, in 1992 and 1993, during the collapse of the American peso in 1994^204(*). Mitterrand also proposed the tax with an aim « humanitarian » at the time of the World Social Summit of Copenhagen in 1994. Lastly, it was evoked in G7, in Halifax, in 1995. The idea accepted the support of several personalities : Jacques Delors (president of the European Commission of 1985 to 1994), Boutros Boutros-Ghali (secretary-general of UNO of 1992 to 1996), To bore Conable (president of the World Bank of 1986 to 1991). In France, in 1995, the Lionel Jospin candidate had registered this measure to his program of presidential campaign, it had also been taken again by the Socialists at the time of the European elections of 1995 ; it had been question more since^205(*). It reappeared in December 1997 in the leading article of Igniacio Ramonet. But is the proposal defended by Attac the same one as that of Tobin? How association it réappropriée this idea and T of them it has makes its war-horse ?

The tax defended by Attac is not basically different, in its methods of application, that which James Tobin had been able to conceive. It is about an imposition of the exchange transactions ata rate located between 0,05% and 1% and which would make it possible to reduce the volume of the transactions. However, Attac intends to take again on its account this tax in a «spirit » different from that which motivated James Tobin : whereas it wished above all to give again with the national monetary policies a certain autonomy and that it regarded the benefit of this tax only as one «by-product », association was initially based on the idea to collect a sum allowing the eradication of poverty and the development of the least advanced countries^206(*). Ramonet, in its leading article «To disarm the markets » called its wishes this «world tax of solidarity » which «would get, per annum, some 166 billion dollars, twice as much as the annual sum necessary for éradiquer extreme poverty from here to the beginning of the century. »^207(*) The members of the scientific Council of Attac specify, in addition, that it is not a question to replace the government aid with the development but to add the product of the tax to the already existing financings^208(*).

By réappropriant the idea of Tobin and by giving him a purpose different from that which it allotted to him initially, association, initially, gave the idea that James Tobin was humanistic economist a « »^209(*), whereas the context and the goal were not similar. What is astonishing, they is that many Attac militants represent James Tobin like a liberal economist not wishing to fight against the speculation but to protect it, while constituting thanks to the money collected reserve funds which permetterait in the event of crisis economic «to start again the machine ». Its intention was to prevent the formation of speculative bubbles which are harmful with the course of the capitalist economy and the correct operation of the markets^210(*). On the other hand, it wished well to slow down the speculation. It was a question for him «of throwing sand in the wheels of the speculation » in order to return to the States a more autonomous monetary policy. The finality of Tobin was to give more place to the policies of revival and to reduce the place of the market, it was above all keynésien and especially not liberal.

Fabien : In its preliminary draft, the word «universalization » did not come, it acted to make in kind put sand in the wheels to prevent that there are too many transactions of speculation. It is all. I do not remember any more which was its goal. But Attac I do not know even any more what they say on top. Them... Finally us since I form part of it... They were favorable to the constitution of funds which would make it possible to finance the social development. It is not the goal which Tobin had given to its idea but that does not shock me. I do not think that there is contradiction. That one takes the idea but one whom one tries to apply from a different point of view!

Cecile: In the tax I think that one can see there what one wants inside. People of extreme left see there a springboard for a total criticism of the company, a grain of sand which could bring an awakening of world capitalism and it is for that that there is a certain number of people of the radical left who find themselves in Attac. It there also of people who will see means of action there to improve the living condition of the populations, like people of the socialist party. There is Tobin itself which sees the means there to oil the financial system. I think that one can see there what one wants.

2.2.2 The widening of the claims

2.2.2.1 Tobin tax with the boycott of Danone

To subject to tax the transactions which are carried out on the foreign exchange market can seem reducing, but it acts above all, by the means of this idea, to find a control of the transactions on which the States lost straight of glance^211(*). « It constitutes an embryo of control on the speculation, even if the only foreign exchange market is concerned, because this one is with the crossroads of all the international financial transactions, on all the kinds of credits, including the investments in the long run abroad. Giving again margins of autonomy to the national economic policies [...] it would consolidate interior measurements of tax on the financial incomes as well as the public monitoring of the external investments «^212(*). The Tobin tax exceeds the only tax on the foreign exchange markets and serves as « precondition to a recasting of the international financial system »^213(*). It is thus the whole of the financial transactions which are concerned with Attac^214(*). Moreover in its leading article, Ramonet proposed a movement which would be called « Action for a Tax Tobin d' Aide with the Citizens » and two T central still returned to the Tobin Tax in spring 1998, at the first meetings. It is before the deposit of the statutes that it was determined to change the initials of significance in order to widen and the claim sphere of activity of association^215(*). It was consequently either only of the Tobin tax but about the whole of the financial transactions^216(*).

This first widening first of all made it possible to propose the fact that the Tobin tax is only one measurement among others and that Attac is not solely intended to defend this tax. Then that made it possible to approach a whole whole of topics which while being rather different are closely related to that of the tax. Thus in the charter and the international platform^217(*), the signatories decided to defend five claims.

Two first, «to block the speculation » and «to tax the incomes of the capital », pass by the tax on the financial transactions. The sanction of the tax havens is very dependant, in the reflections which association publishes, with the Tobin tax. Indeed, the fact of taxing the financial transactions is likely to involve an escape from these flows towards the places where they are not taxed, in particular towards the tax havens which are not prone to any imposition^218(*). The fight against the funds of pension which feed the speculation is also one of the objectives because those represent for Attac, «the principal actors and recipients of this deregulation and this financial liberalization »^219(*) and «the hegemonic forces of mondialized finance constitute »^220(*). The cancellation of the debt of the poor countries is explained, have regard to the objectives of the movement, by the fact why the titles of the national debt are exchanged on the bond markets public and thus constitute an additional means of speculation. Thus, «to attack the bases of the power of finance supposes the dismantling of these mechanisms and thus the cancellation of the national debt [...] »^221(*).

The claims defended by Attac^222(*) widened little by little and they exceeded considerably the framework of the fight against the financial markets. At the time of the negotiations of the World Organization of Trade (OMC) which took place in Seattle in December 1999, Attac invited to express at the meetings of the international organizations of finance and trade, in particular through the refusal of the Multilateral agreement on the Investments (FRIEND) and of the General Agreement on the Trade and Services (AGCS) suggested by OMC. Moreover, the scientific Council of Attac published a document claiming the édiction of a «right on the alive one as a common good of the humanity» which implies the installation of a moratorium on the genetically modified organizations, the redeployment of research towards a «durable, autonomous and country» agriculture^223(*). At the time of the shipwreck in December 2000 of a tanker chartered by the TotalFinaElf multinational, Erika, on the French coasts, the national office published a declaration claiming near the government and of the French Parliament «the financial responsibility unlimited for the oil companies, the introduction of the «personal penal responsibility for the chairmen for the ecological crimes committed by their companies » and finally removal of the flags of convenience^224(*). Attac also discussed questions of education by denouncing the presence of a bank (CIC) in several colleges and colleges of France in order to make take part the pupils in a contest based on a play of fictitious speculation. In a letter at the local committees, the office estimates that it is about a «ideological endoctrination of the young people » and of an attempt so «infiltrating the consciences. This use of the public utility of National Education also calls into question « the republican principle of secularity » »^225(*). Lastly, association also discussed problems involved in work and the company. For example, at the time of the negotiations between trade unions, the national direction was opposed to the project of AVOIDS (Plane of assistance to the return to employment).^226(*) Moreover, at the time of the advertisement of a plan of dismissal by Danone, whereas the group released a benefit of 4,7 billion francs for the year 2000, the seat of association gave an opinion against the dismissals of stock exchange suitability and called with the boycott of the Danone products^227(*).

Parallel to these claims which have a national width (by the fact that they are launched on the initiative of the office) the local committees discuss very diverse topics^228(*). For example, the committee Attac Strasbourg formed a commission entitled « Publicity, Image, Capacity contemporary forms of the voluntary constraint » which, through the analysis of the advertizing speech, aims at highlighting that publicity «operates a certain number of mechanisms which are processes manipulators [and which it] produced and promotes a certain number of values»^229(*), whereas the national office taken forever position on the subject of publicity. The local group Attac Isere also discussed certain topics on a purely personal basis « », i.e. as a local committee. For example, a ' think tank ' on the women east is created recently^230(*), and this «reflection » was accompanied by a participation of Attac Isere in the walk of the women which took place on Grenoble on May 8, 2001. At the time of against Summit of Nice, at the time of the European top of December the 6,7, and 8 2000, the national office did not invite to express during the surrounding of the Palate of the congresses, but certain local committees whose Attac Isere took part in it. They claimed the maintenance of article 133 of the Treaty of Amsterdam, a democratization of the decision-making process which increases the responsibility of the Commission. They also marked their opposition to the General Agreement on the Trade of the Services (AGCS) and to Millénium Round carried out by OMC with the support of the European Commission. Lastly, they asked the ministers at this meeting in Nice to express a position which is favorable to the cancellation of the debt of the Countries of the South of the World and the European East, with the introduction of a Tobin tax and the elimination of « tax havens ».

2.2.2.2 logics of these widenings

The first proposal of Attac was the Tobin tax but its field of claims since widened considerably. It is possible to distinguish four logics which took part in this widening. First of all because of a reflection on the consequences of the «liberal universalization» which led association to discuss the problem of the debt, of the funds of pension, the tax havens, the economic and commercial negotiations international. These claims rise from the principle which the movement left, namely the refusal of the speculation and the drifts of the financial markets. During the talks, of surveyed much evoke this widening like «self-explanatory » or as being «inevitable ». As it is a member who militated forever like Fabien or a militant very implied like Thomas, both regard as «logic » and as self evident that Attac supports other claims that those which were initially defended. For them, the Tobin tax is not sufficient, it represents only one measurement among others. Consequently a widening is necessary. The Tobin tax would constitute only one « carry of teaching entry » towards the financial markets^231(*).

Fabien: « Yes, I think that that would have been a little reducing to speak that Tobin tax. And then, I believe that it is inevitable. Because the Tobin tax was ressuscitée under the impulse of universalization, of the deregulation of the movements of capital. Since in fact events saw other types of consequences, one can disregard remainder with difficulty. Me that does not obstruct me that Attac supports other claims. »

Thomas: « And one can start with the Tobin tax. But there is not only that! One had started with the tax Tobin and very quickly the founder members of Attac said « It is not possible ». While stopping with the Tobin tax any more that is not, because the tax havens and the bleaching of the money of the Maffia and the corruption also take part in financial flows and the debt ! All the money which returns from the debt servicing of the Third World countries is reinvested in purchase of currencies and also takes part in the financial speculation. One opened compared to that [...] As soon as you start to put the finger in the gears in it, eh well you realize that all rises from that... All rises ! »

François : And it is broader nevertheless than the starting idea which was the Tobin tax, it left primarily on top and today it is much broader and it is very well like that. Because people also they included/understood, and I spoke about dynamics a few moments ago, that there is a bond between these things, it does not have there tax havens like that randomly, it does not have there an absence of financial taxation randomly.

Cecile : At the beginning it was the Tobin tax and inevitably when you do something on the Tobin tax, you are brought to reflect on the debt and if you reflect on the debt you are brought to think of another thing because all is dependant. Attac even if he does not say it he attacks with financial capitalism and these more wild drifts. Blow it is super General compared to that.

This widening is also due to the positioning of the leaders of association on the topics of topicality. Thus of many claims were formulated at the time of events which defrayed the chronicle. It is for example at the time of the shipwreck of Erika or the plan of dismissal of Danone that the office was brought to discuss subjects opposite which Attac remained until there in withdrawal. Several inquired consider that this widening is legitimate. They see there an enrichment of the movement (Julie, Cécile, Laurent). On the other hand Isabelle rather negatively judges this mode of widening. She regrets that the movement «clings » with each event in a precipitated way and would like that Attac remains more centered on the financial speculation. It evokes for example the action of the boycott of Danone which we mentioned where the reaction of Attac too was according to it immediate, not considered enough approaching more the action of a trade union or a political party that of that of an association.

Laurent : Already the claims increase according to the topicality, they position according to the problems. And as they are against absolute liberal logic when there is a fact topicality which is caused by this logic, then it is not a question to break it but to exceed it and integrate it. For Erika it is a typical example where it would be necessary international rules, because it is nevertheless an enormous problem. That seems to me coherent that Attac positions compared to that.

Isabelle : There for example, the Danone boycott, I have the impression that it was a little a hot reaction! Danone laid off, one is a little with flock but it is necessary that one boycotts! It was a little the reaction of a trade union or a party. It is a too spontaneous reaction. Ideas were not really discussed [...] I think that Attac precipitated too much on top, a movement it is made to have basic reflections [...] The drift is risked, since one touches a little with all the fields, it is a risk to disperse. Times is well to center themselves and to put the question «Which they are our priorities?».

The opening of the movement to new claims is also explained by operation in network of association. The fact that various associations and trade unions are members of Attac made it possible to take into account other topics that those which had developed initially. Thus, each founder member tried to put forward his specific problem. For example, the country Confederation incited association to position with respect to the GMO. In the same way, Attac was brought, as we saw, to intervene in the field of education whereas it is apparently about a topic without direct relationship with association. This is explained, according to Francois, by the presence of many teaching trade unions among the founder members who « push » leaders to be engaged.

François: For example on education... It is a will of marchandisation and to transform education into goods, it is what they call a universal case. Attac could say, one fout it is education, except that in the founder members of Attac it there in FSU thus inevitably, immediately... Connection is made immediately because people who are there, they push and they say it is not possible [...] I do not think that they defend simply the side of Profs, same on the contrary, it is the impact which that will have on the company and the children and the generations future, like one says [...] On top I think that Attac rightly... would be right to propose. And if they do it it is because FSU pushes behind. It is a trade union of teachers and they are confronted directly with this trick and thus they know what it acts and they can nourish the reflection within the collective and of the Attac committee and then here.

Lastly, one can evoke a fourth type of widening which develops in a sufficiently significant way in association so that one can indicate it. It is about the catch in consideration of the claims carried by the local committees which we mentioned. For example, if the national office discussed a question of education it is because a local committee had engaged on the question and it was decided to launch this action at the national level. In the same way for the question of the women as we evoked in Attac 38, the committee Attac Paris 14th obtained a group «Women and universalization»^232(*). Shortly after the summer school of Ciotat, the idea was launched by several local committees (of which Attac 14th) to carry out «a sexuée analysis of liberal universalization and to found an equal democracy in the operation even of Attac »^233(*) (Board of directors, the scientific Council). For this purpose a standard letter was proposed to the members in order to make pressure on the national desk and to establish a national network. This regrouping of committees also worked out a platform of claims while being made visible in Attac. Recently, a document was sent to the scientific council so that it takes into account the «kind » in their analyzes^234(*). There is thus, in the definition of the claims, dialectical of the national and room, one enriching the other.

Widening that Attac known in its claims is considerable and yet it is considered by the members legitimate. That raises a certain number of questions : which limits pose with association ? How through this diversity of claims they perceive the unit of Attac ?

2.2.3 Limits and unit

2.2.3.1 Illegitimate claims ?

In order to know the claims considered by surveyed the least legitimate as well as the limits of the speech that Attac can hold, according to them, into the company, we asked the people questioned to position with respect to a certain number of subjects. First of all, the boycott of Danone, which was very polemized seemed to be appropriate for such a test^235(*). The majority of surveyed (seven) is favorable to the boycott. It acts for them of a direct bond with the fundamental ones of Attac. For example, Fabien which locates its engagement like a refusal of the «road roller of the economy » the boycott as legitimate perceives because the dismissals of Danone are a new manifestation of the financial profitability against which fight, according to him, Attac. On the other hand Luc who has a trade-union last fort and which registers his engagement within the framework of the class struggle, does not perceive the boycott solely as one industrial dispute which would concern the trade unions, but also as a conflict which would oppose them « capitalists » with those which are excluded from it. He declares himself also favorable to a standpoint of Attac with respect to AVOIDS (Plane of assistance to the return to employment).

Two people interviewed declare themselves undecided on the question of the boycott. First of all, they doubt the effectiveness of this action; it acts for Laurent of an action which can have positive repercussions but which is not massive enough so that that calls into question the policy of the Danone group, while Isabelle fears the «opposite result » i.e. Danone in the car of the commercial and economic repercussions using a «super pub campaign ». From where its interrogation : « Is it necessary to speak about Danone, is necessary it not about it to speak? ». Moreover, they call in question the founded good and the legitimacy of this standpoint. Laurent estimates that the plan of dismissal does not lend to judgment since Danone acts, according to him, according to its «nature of company » while engaging and while laying off. He does not see there a drift of «financial profitability » as Fabien did it.^236(*) Isabelle criticizes this claim, on the one hand because it acts for her of a too spontaneous reaction and which was not sufficiently reflected, and on the other hand because it is about an action which would concern more the trade unions. It evokes moreover the situation of the university campus, where the Attac group invited the University canteens (RU) to boycott the Danone products. They organized besides on the occasion a distribution of leaflets fronts the RU in which Isabelle did not take part.

Fabien: Yes, there that appears to me still a little in optics. It is probable that if Danone laid off, it is for questions of financial profitability, to give satisfaction to the shareholders, to the funds of pension and all those which hold actions of the firm. One is nevertheless in the mobility of universalization. I think that Attac has its word to say.

Luc : Attac did not give an opinion compared to that and me I was so that one gives an opinion not compared to AVOIDS, and it is what was made previously for the dismissals afterwards, but compared to this analysis of the capacities which weigh on the employee [...] All that belonged to the same fight [...] I discussed it with Antoine, and one A concludes from it that it of which are against the intervention compared to AVOIDS there and even against the intervention and the position of Attac compared to Danone, by saying that one is making shade with the trade unions and that it is necessary to let the trade unions fight within the company. Whereas me, I say that if one exceeds the concept of corporatism one is located in the class struggle, because me for a long time I speak about class struggle, I think that Attac must be located within the framework of this fight of classes.

Laurent : The boycott of Danone for me that did not effleuré me the spirit. I on top do not have certainty, I do not know anything of it. I imagine that there are groups which need to adapt and to reorganize their structure and that passes by the removal of stations. It is necessary to take account of reality too. Boycotter Danone that amounts punishing them because they laid off people but one cannot request another thing from a company that it is a company and that it behaves like such. To make so that it is acceptable but it lays off and it has the right, it has the right to engage too. It is in its nature even of company. One cannot reproach a company for reorganizing. As they are companies of direct consumption, the weight of their image in terms of marketing is very important and that will oblige them to integrate in terms of human stock management the weight of this reality which touches them much. That can be useful so that that makes noise. But for my opinion that is not used for nothing because it would be necessary that it is massive so that they feel it in terms of sale. It is more one symbol.

Isabelle : It is true that me, as I said it to you at the beginning, I badly do not put myself questions compared to the boycott and also compared to the boycott of the university canteen. I do not think that it is truly the role of Attac [...] It was a little the reaction of a trade union or a party. It is a too spontaneous reaction. Ideas were not really discussed. The question was not put if there were another longer-term solution, another action to be made, later on, which would be more interesting. It could relate to the whole of the multinationals and one would not be blocked on an example which already is very médiatisé. One could think of it [...] Then now, to see the way in which they launched out above, it is necessary to boycott the Danone products at the university canteen... I know well that that concerns the symbolic system but I wonder whether symbolically, one would not have to better do another thing. Because this boycott on Danone, it is a little as the premium with the pan of the politicians [...] It is for that that I was not to distribute the leaflet but that did not disturb me too much because I was not very motivated.

The constitution of a ' think tank ' on the topic of the women represents a polemical subject within the committee isérois. It proved that inquired were very divided on the position to adopt. Some estimate that this intervention and this reflection are completely legitimate within association (Francois, Cécile, Thomas), others estimate that that is coherent but that Attac must remain careful on this question because certain associations already exist and there is according to them a risk of overlapping (Luc, Julie), and finally, some do not see a bond with the fundamental ones of Attac, i.e. the fight against the speculation and the markets financial (Fabien, Laurent, Isabelle)^237(*). For Julie, who during maintenance declares herself very concerned by the situation of the women, the fact of creating a ' think tank ' appears legitimate to him because that corresponds to certain topics of Attac. She explains for example in what the women are particularly concerned by the repercussions of the problem of the debt of the poor countries. On the other hand, according to it, association can have on a topic like this one only one role of support. Fabien, which is implied very little in association, considers that this topic is not related to universalization. It estimates that other associations are present to deal with this question.

The same applies, according to Fabien, for the racism, which, in addition, often was evoked spontaneously by inquired during talks. Some inquired consider that this topic is not related to the claims of Attac and that association does not have to give an opinion above (Laurent, Fabien), others, on the contrary, estimate that racism is related in a direct or indirect way to universalization (Luc, Francois, Tomas). Among those Ci, two (Francois, Thomas) are former militants of Short-nap cloth the Face^238(*), and they perceive a continuity in their engagement. They are, in addition, of the militants or former militants of the LCR and have a very total vision of the problems. For example, Cécile estimates that it is possible to establish, indirectly, a bond between the Tobin tax and the problem of racism. This is why, engagement within Attac allows, according to it, of « to cause a broader reflection » and allows to lead to one « awakening » that these various claims are dependant.

Julie: « But there are fields in which Attac is not mobilized, not that the problem is not interesting. The problem of the debt of the Third World by report/ratio to which Attac is very important... This problem one can take it under the aspect of the women bus indeed that which one realizes, while working on the debt, it is that they are the women and the children who are the first reached by the suppression of education, health, the reduction in the public utility [...] One can tackle the problems under this angle and thus Attac can be only recipient of a certain manner, but there are also other associations which work there. Therefore, one can support but one is not driving. Compared to the walk of the women, Attac supported and took part in the call but Attac it was not driving of this problem. There are choices which are made and then there is also a certain number of associations which also exist and to support yes but replace not!

F.E : But for example in the Isere group, a committee on the women was created. That shifted you together?

Fabien: Yes, I did not know it. I think that there are other authorities to deal with these questions there, that does not appear to me to go... That does not appear judicious to me [...] The sphere of activity that I see for Attac, it is all that is related in a narrow and significant way to universalization of the economy. [...] I think that Attac can also have some say on the working conditions. Then on the other hand the women, racism or sexuality, in my opinion it is not theirs field.

F.E : A few moments ago you said to me that your antifascism had a relationship with your engagement...

Cecile: In fact, it is the fact of considering that an engagement on something of very particular like the antifascism or the anti-sexism can lead to a more total engagement. That has a relationship with what I think on engagement of Attac today because engagement on the tax leads to a total engagement [...] Between the Tobin tax and racism there is a step but the bond one can do it but that would be a quickly established link. Racism develops because people need to be an enemy because they are in a rather critical situation and their situation it is a situation of unemployment and of uncertainty and this one is generated by something to which belonged liberal universalization and what that can create on the social standing. It is very simplifying [...] I think that it is also compared to the awakening of the things and generally you will put that into practice and it is to put questions with people while trying to cause a reflection broader than simply the tax and not to arrive with a speech done everything in their saying that it is like that, it acts to cause a reflection among people while trying to advance the things.

François : Attac does not make antifascism, in any case not directly. And Short-nap cloth the Face does not make a fight against universalization. However there are things which gather. Short-nap cloth the Face will fight for without-papers and Attac as it is as there is some share, nevertheless a bond.

Luc : But, on another side, there are other associations which deal with the other things. For example when there are demonstrations against racism, the demonstration is not organized, but one will support and one will take part, but that will stop there. One will support all those which undergo the consequences of universalization. What occurs in the districts in difficulty, it is the result of universalization. It is not disconnected at all from our fight.

The majority of the people interviewed recognize that these claims (the boycott of Danone, the defense of the women's right, the judgment of racism) are legitimate and they are ready to defend them within Attac. On the other hand, they issue reserves on the negative impact that that can have on the movement. Laurent, who is a rather recent member (11/2000) and who has an engagement growing in association present a rather broad agreement with the claims carried but it is anxious for the possible consequences for association. It fears that a too important widening of the claims introduces lines of cleavage between the members and divides association. The question for him is to know if the fact of discussing many topics makes wrong to Attac or if it is on the contrary preferable to adopt a total position which is declined in many fields. Militant the older (Julie) evokes the fact that the committee isérois is challenged much by other associations to support actions or demonstrations. There is a risk according to it scattering, and it is important to limit the field of intervention of association.

Lastly, Fabien is astonished that the topic of biological agriculture was approached by the isérois group, and it deduces from it that there is a risk «to widen too much » and to find itself some weakened. It concludes by announcing that, if the continuous motion to widen, it would be necessary to modify the noun of it. That translated although association, in spite of its possible widenings, remains attached to its starting point (financial transactions) and that certain consequences of universalization could not be approached in its center. What implies these three examples it is that Attac would have a unit which it is a question of preserving intact. It is it which would define by negative the limits not to cross. It is a question of seeing how the members represent the identity of Attac.

Laurent : The tax Tobin it is the reform which is carried in standard in the movement and it is the base which gave him birth. After, all the remainder that comes like when one draws the mesh from a sweater, all the remainder comes [...] Yes it is very broad and that it is annoying. Me that annoys me a little because precisely, in fact movements are a little the same generation, which resembles each other between them. [...] I do not know if the goal of the play is to have a total speech and to have something to say especially or if there is necessary to remain really specific on certain topics. Perhaps that one is mislaid [...] But that will pose problem because the more you speak about subjects and the less people agree on all the subjects and it is logical. If there is only one claim which is posted, all people who adhere agree with this claim, but if that globalize then there is necessarily moments when as in a political party, there are certain people who dispute.

F.E : You think that there are limits on the subjects which can be discussed in Attac?

Julie: I think that it is necessary that Attac remains in... One calls upon Attac for enormously of things, because there are many members and that that moves... With the limit one asks him to take part in enormously of things and there is indeed the risk as that while being mobilized for enormously things, as one loses of it also the shape of gasoline, of identity. I think that is needed that Attac is limited, it cannot take part in all, he cannot mobilize himself on all and cannot intervene on all. For the moment it is not yet too the case. There are surely heaps of topics on which Attac could not intervene.

Fabien: Me that does not obstruct me that Attac supports other claims. They perhaps were a little bit far. In Isere, I learned that they started to speaking about biological agriculture... Good... One should not too much be diluted either. Because when one is diluted too much, one loses a little his force. That one widens a little bit the platform, that appears at the same time desirable to me and inevitable, but one should not too much widen bus if not, after Attac is likely to speak about all and nothing. Or then it would be necessary straightforwardly that they modify name and that it is « Association counters excesses of universalization » or something like that.

2.2.3.2 Limits with the claims

2.2.3.2.1 The unit of Attac : the fight counters the financial markets

The principal vector of unit of the association to which referent the many ones surveyed, it is before all the charter of association. That Ci is perceived as a common framework which prevents the possible drifts. It allows each member and each committee to have the same starting point and to defend of the common claims. Some estimate besides, such Luc, who all the current claims are already present in the charter not in the direction where they would be registered there just as they are but in the direction where what they «represent » («dictatorship of the markets ») appears there. Indeed, the charter founder enumerates a whole of precise claims, but it also evokes broader intentions. Thus, at the time of the constitution of Attac, the signatories of the charter committed themselves acting «in order to block the speculation, to tax the incomes of the capital, to sanction the tax havens, to prevent the generalization of the funds of pension [...] and in a more general way, to reconquer lost spaces of the democracy [...] It is quite simply about réapproprier together the future of our world »^239(*). In the same way, the leading article of Ramonet constitutes a proposal as much to set up the Tobin tax that a call «to disarm the markets ».

The Tobin tax was only one specific proposal which was used as base with the launching of association. One of inquired (Julie) notices that the starting point of which was born association is double. It acts, on the one hand, of a very precise claim which incarnates the will to put at evil the financial markets and, on the other hand, of a «democratic project » which also passes by the questioning of the markets but from a point of view much broader. The majority besides were more justified in their adhesion by this second claim that by the tax Tobin itself. Fabien expresses in a very clear way that if it adhered (during launching) it is not as well for the tax as as it represented. Attac was born from a double claim : of a «democratic project » and of a specific proposal. The development of the movement resulted in moving away more and more from the tax to be able to widen its speech. The common point which exists between the two claims and which melts the unit of the movement it is the fight against the financial markets. The Tobin tax, just like the project of «D-appropriation », are proposed against the financial markets

Thomas: Me I think that it is well, because already on the level of information and the level of the charter and the base of adhesion one has all the same base. It is a base which is given by the national and on which, in extreme cases one could act by saying that that is not appropriate [...] Everyone has same information and if people adhere, they adhere to that. Because after that can bring drifts within small local committees which [could derive]... For heaps of reason...

Julie : Attac is an association national and international there is thus a certain coherence has to have, it is necessary that there are common authorities of decision. Already it there with the charter which ensures a common base, knowing that in certain cities there are three local committees.

Luc : Attac it is a little the same thing [that a trade union] except that one defends something which called forever into question by anybody and that seems important to me, it is the initial charter of Attac. For me the initial charter of Attac called forever into question to my knowledge by anybody. That seems to me paramount.

Luc: Not so much in fact. If the charter is looked at, all the fields in which one fights are inside. Then Erika, for example, as such is not inside, but what that represents there is contained. It is nevertheless a multinational which pollutes and it is the people which in undergone the consequences. It is for that which I say myself that the watchword for me of Attac it is «Against the dictatorship of the markets», the markets it is the capital [...] All that belonged to the same fight.

Julie : I do not know which is the opening of Attac. This association passed by a particular skew. It tackled the problem of universalization under the aspect of the financial world and the other aspect which me appears paramount it is that it called upon the reappropriation of the world by the citizen and I think that it is something of important.

F.E : But you, in your adhesion, it was especially the Tobin tax which motivated you?

Fabien: Not... Finally at the time it was above all the Tobin tax but it was more what it represented. The tax Tobin, that meant a certain mistrust with respect to the international movements of capital, funds of speculation, the idea not not to too much give capacity to the financial spheres. Thereafter, which appears crucial to me, it is to develop very critical ideas with respect to the funds of pension that I regard as extremely dangerous. All that constituted a whole of ideas which are in same mobility.

2.2.3.2.2 The risk of confusion

The second limit with the standpoint of association would be the risk of confusion with the other organizations which support Attac. Several inquired fear that Attac does not encroach on the role of other associations, in particular in the field of the women, racism or ecology^240(*). This risk, according to several people interviewed is solved owing to the fact that they take part on Grenoble in the actions launched by other associations, that they give their support there (unit signature, presence of stands and participation in the demonstrations), even if they do not play driving part there a « ». The second possible risk is the risk of confusion with the political parties. The distinction that some operate inquired, between the parties policy and Attac, is carried out because of the degree of opening, more or less large, of the claims supported by the organization. A party is constrained to hold a «total» speech and to carry claims on all the subjects. For them, if Attac came to too much widening its speech, it would be likely to be amalgamated with a party. Isabelle evokes the identity of Attac, which is not «touch all ».

The problem of the claims and their limits implies to think the identity of the movement, i.e. the representation which the members have of association in spite of the evolutions that she knows. It is first of all, according to them, the fight against the speculation and the markets financial which melt, in spite of the diversity of the claims, the unit of Attac. Each claim would carry the same objective. Thus, it would be possible to give an account of sexual, ecological and cultural problems^241(*) under the angle of the neoliberalism and the «financiarisation ». But more primarily, it is democratic project the « » and the call to «réapproprier the world » that Attac formula, which challenged certain members and who constitute, according to them, its identity. Lastly, the identity of association is represented in the speech of the people interviewed only compared to the other associative and political actors in question to be distinguished. An excessive widening of the field of claims, would deteriorate the identity of the movement.

François : One finds the ones the others, without knowing in same associations of a side or other of the Mediterranean. There are things like that and I think that Attac carries out combat of solidarity with other associations [...] On the debt of the Third World for example, there are campaigns which are made with other associations of course [...] Each one its specificity, its notoriety, its establishment and one is shared and one tries to advance. And then, of course, there are things to which Attac does not touch, and it is very well because good... It is necessary some for others and one cannot do everything.

Laurent : I do not know if the goal of the play is to have a total speech and to have something to say on all or if there is necessary to remain really specific on certain topics. Perhaps that one is mislaid. The political parties need necessarily to have a coherent and total speech thus a speech on the women's rights. It is their role. For me in a political party it is normal and inevitable that there are ' think tanks ' on all the fields. But for a movement of action as Attac it is certainly not a need. The goal of a political party is to control and thus that requires to have a position on each problem, that requires to have a total prospect. But the goal of the play for Attac is not to thus control that is not necessary.

François : It is that also, which is funny, people when they are in associations and that they do not have any other engagement do not see it and when one has a trade-union engagement or when you belong to others, one sees that there is a bond between the two because it is clean party to touch with all the fights. In any case, it is my design of the political party. It is to be present in all the fights, to support them, support them. To bring what one can, in order to make progress these fights, and then here... And one manages to establish links [...] And it is this organization, the party, which establishes the link between all these various fights and which with the claim, perhaps a little strong, to make some one moment the synthesis and to give a direct political sight. There is a direction to give to our engagement on completely different grounds [...] It is not more than that a political party, it is not... It is the synthesis of the fights in some share.

Isabelle : I think that the fact of touching with all, there is nevertheless risk. Quite simply, because it has of them others which do it, there are some who are specialized in ecology, there are some who are specialized on other thing, there are other people who are there for that. I think that Attac, if he wants to continue to keep a certain identity he is not necessary that it touches with all. For a political party it is normal, it is a little the characteristic of the policy to have an opinion on all the fields whereas it is not the characteristic of a movement. It is one of the great differences there, then after if they start to touch with all, that is not more one movement but that becomes a party.

The engagement of the militants of Attac appears indissociable associative form of the movement. Inquired seem to be attached there for two reasons. First of all, they confer on association a whole of virtues « democratic ». Association would be perceived for the majority like a field of freedom. Contrary to the strongly centralized and hierarchical organizations, it would make it possible each member to be expressed. Association would make possible the expression of the differences. Adhesion is not perceived besides by the militants as being a constraining process. Adhesion, would be a compartmental agreement that the member reserves the right to revoke at every moment. Consequently, the mobilizations become specific. Some inquired do not hesitate besides to call into question their engagement within Attac.

The adhesion of the militants was based on a specific claim which is very targeted. However, and it is there the second asset of the associative form, this precise engagement leads to a total whole of claims. Those which had adhered before to Attac starting from the Tobin tax, militate from now on against the ratification of the European treaty of Nice, against the Plan of assistance to the return to employment (AVOIDS), against « marchandisation of the culture »... but they also militate in favor of the income of existence, the respect of nature or of the parity men/women. These widenings were generally perceived by the militants isérois as being in continuity with the starting point of association, i.e., the fight against the financial markets. Engagement with Attac constitutes T it a new associative engagement ?

There remains anchored in a republican tradition (associative form, popular movement of education) but seems registers towards « modernity ». It would renew the traditional forms of the participation while making possible to reconcile the associative virtues with a total engagement which was previously the prerogative (before becoming the defect about it) organizations partisanes.

However, this revival does not seem to be equipped with spontaneousness that one allotted to him previously. Attac are connected as much with a company of mobilization that to an association of citizens. The launching of association reveals a whole of preparations and strategies (the leading article of Ramonet, the swelling of manpower, on-mediatization of the movement) which made possible to it fast success of Attac. What before perceived as spontaneous becomes the sign of a setting in scene in which the chance does not seem to have its place. The organization of association is not then perhaps also « original » that the leaders of Attac proclaim it. It seems equipped with a strong hierarchy which leaves only little place to the room. The virtues which were allotted to him remain of « fine wordss ». The committee isérois seems taken in contradictions similar to those of the leaders. It proves that the structuring of Attac approaches more a centralized and hierarchical organization that of an association « flexible ». The preceding representations which we had taken as starting points were above all of constructions. They translate the way in which the leaders present Attac within space public.

It proves that the launching of Attac would be an illusion. Its organization, in spite of the associative form, would be close to operation to « apparatuses » traditional. On the other hand, what happenhappens participation of the militants ? In spite of its origin and its organization the militants of Attac testify to a renewal to the forms to the militancy. It would be about a militancy fitting as well in the reflection in the action. That does not testify T it not to the emergence of a new fashion of participation ? Moreover, Attac falls under triple « terrioriality » of the protest. With the articulation of the room and national, is added again the international dimension of which was born Attac^242(*). This widening of the collective action cannot be without consequences on the modes of protest of the militants. Which are the repercussions ?

1 new social conflicts

The social conflicts, that they are perceived as the sign of a crisis of social integration or like the vector of the change, indicate a central reality of our companies^243(*). They represent, above all, the incapacity of the institutional mechanisms to manage the requests, social, political or cultural expressed by the civil company : there is conflict when a decision cannot be made according to traditional decisions'.

Attac as a grouping of « citizens » which affirms « to make of the policy differently » take part in a direct way in the development of the social conflict. They testify to a failure of the institutional mechanisms to take into account waitings of the civil company. This is why, it appears necessary to consider the participation in Attac in connection with the problems of the social conflicts. That will make it possible to integrate this militancy within broader sets (anti-mondialistes groups) and comprehension will make easier from there.

The participation of Attacants in the social conflicts must be analyzed under two distinct angles. First of all, it appears necessary to connect the development of association with the dynamic news protesters who appeared since the beginning of the Nineties; after which it will be possible to consider the forms of emergent mobilizations and in which Attac takes part.

1.1 The alarm clock of the collective protest

The militancy of Attacants would take part in a movement of dispute fuller than some compare to one « alarm clock of the collective protest ». This one would succeed a long phase of political and social apathy which would have ended at the time of the conflicts of December 1995. But when it is really ? Which report/ratio is it possible to identify between the militance of Attacants and them « new social conflicts » ? Which was the effective participation of the militants in these events ?

1.1.1 The new dynamics of the social movements

1.1.1.1 Decline and revival of the social conflicts

Since the years 1980, the social conflicts are marked by two major evolutions^244(*). First of all, one attends a regression of the social conflicts. This fall is visible in particular starting from the indicator of the number of days of strikes « lost »^245(*). In addition, the social conflicts lost their form of generalized confrontation, which resulted in national actions, and they were centered at the local level. For example, the industrial disputes which occupy a central place in the social conflict^246(*), more and more acted and treated with the level of the company since the beginning of the years 1980.

This double evolution is bound, partly, with the crisis which affects the trade unionism since 1986 in particular in the private sector. One of the most visible signs of this crisis is the fall of the rate of unionization at the end of the years 1980 : since 1988, less than 10% of the employees are syndicated^247(*). One of the explanations often advanced considers this evolution as a questioning of the forms of the trade unionism according to war. The trade unions had succeeded in under Ve République being essential like the partners of the growth by facilitating a relative division of the profits of productivity and the acceptance of a certain type of technical division of work. It was, according to Christophe Aguiton, about one « trade unionism of company, a quasi single intermediate trade unionism in the large companies, between paid and owners, a trade unionism playing an important part in the mechanisms of regulation of the companies of the capitalist world developed after war »^248(*). This system was confronted, according to Rene Mouriaux, with the questioning of « compromise fordist » following the modifications of the conditions of production (internationalization, installation of new technologies) and with the new relations within the labor market (withdrawal of the State, rejection of the little qualified workmen).^249(*) This weakening is more visible with the margins of the trade unionism since they are those which are located at the periphery of the traditional bastions : small companies, immigrants, young people, women, the precarious ones and unemployeds^250(*). A revival of the forms of the conflict of company takes place at the end of years 1980 apart from the trade unions. Coordinations by professional sectors, where syndicated and not syndicated decide together to carry out strikes, multiply^251(*).

Whereas the trade unions were in crisis and that the workers were in the search of new forms of fight, the revival of the social conflicts took place by where one did not await it : the associative sector. Associations which had had the wind in poop during the years 1980 as for example S.O.S-Racism knew a loss speed and new associative movements centered on defense of « precarious » and the most stripped from emerged at the beginning of the years 1990^252(*). The DAL (Right to Housing) inaugurates this associative revival during the winter 1994^253(*). Other associations will follow such as AC ! (To act together against unemployment) founded in October 1993 or Rights In front ! ! impetus in January 1995.

The social conflict is accentuated in 1995 at the time of December and November during which a wave of strikes, primarily in the public office, touches France. This movement of strikes which is often presented as being unified gathers several distinct claims which are superimposed. There first of all was a strike of the railwaymen who refused the contract of plan the State-SNCF envisaged for the five years to come^254(*). With this claim the refusal with the plan presented by Alain Juppe, Prime Minister was burdened at the time, who to propose to restructure the cases of social security. It comprised two shutters : a first which envisaged a lengthening of the retirements and a second who aimed at controlling the expenditure of health^255(*). New claims were added during the events : the teachers expressed by requesting new means from National Education^256(*), actions also took place in favor of the women's right^257(*). Whereas the movement originated in the public office, it gradually was extended to paid private sector, then with « excluded » like the unemployeds or without-papers^258(*). Occupations of factory and demonstration main roads of large width took place^259(*). Population with the movement of strike supports was very important as well in the private sector for « without »^260(*). Some in order to explain this support for the demonstrators spoke even at the time of strike « by procuration ». However, much the strikes of 1995 criticized by showing them to defend of the catégoriels interests and to reflect a very strong corporatism within the public utility. Moreover, the main part of the assets of 1995 related to the public utility : the emergency plan and States General of the higher education, withdrawal of measurements on the retirements of the civils servant. On the other hand, the essence of the Juppe plan on the reduction of the expenditure of health was maintained^261(*).

It would seem that the events of December 1995 engaged a dynamics of the social protest. Indeed, following 1995, the social conflicts multiplied. They did not relate to only the industrial disputes but also the right of the immigrants, the evil placed or of the unemployeds. A movement of the unemployeds and precarious workers of great scope took place of December 23, 1997 to March 7, 1998^262(*). The movements of assistance to without-papers were also mobilized following the law Debré, of the name of the Minister of Interior Department, voted on March 20, 1997. To alert the opinion a call to civil disobedience was launched by a collective of scenario writers on February 12, 1997 and one national demonstration took place the 22 févier 1997. One can also through these events distinguish emergence from a news « territorialisation » of the social conflicts since they extended on a European scale. Indeed, 1997 were the year of the first European social mobilizations. It was first of all the advertisement by Renault of the closing-down of its factory of Villevorde, February 27, 1997, which caused one « eurogrève » on March 7. It y have a demonstration on May 28 with the call of the European Confederation of the trade unions. It was also European walk against unemployment and the precariousness which was completed in Amsterdam, June 14, 1997, at the time of the intergovernmental Conference for the amendment of the treaty of Maastricht.

1.1.1.2 The interpretation of the social conflicts

The events of November, December and the multiplication of the social conflicts since 1995 left the door open to many interpretations^263(*). Some, first of all, underlined a correlation between the industrial disputes and the other types of social conflicts. Whereas one distinguished usually the conflicts located in the company from those which take place outside, of the trade unionists and the intellectuals started to trace a continuity between the two. Following 1995, a group of sociologists wrote : « The claim of the universal social rights [...] defense of the right to work is not separable. Complementary, the fights are answered and reinforced since one wants to apprehend them well like a continuum, while refusing to hoist the wage condition with the row of privilege, by thwarting apparent but false contradiction between mobilizations for the maintenance of employment and refusal of an increased precarisation »^264(*). Since, the industrial disputes are related to the drifts of liberalization and certain claims which were specific to the trade unions before extend thus to the sphere of activity of associations. That was the case for example dismissals in the Danone group for which Attac was mobilized. The result of this aggregation of the social conflict and industrial disputes other allowed a widening of the fights and the constitution of networks of mobilization^265(*).

One of the raised interrogations was to know if the strikes of 1995 and the events which followed could be regarded as the emergence of a social movement or if they were not summarized with an ordinary social conflict. The question of the definition of a social movement is in the center of the problem^266(*). During debates, Alain Touraine seemed one of the principal representatives of the refractory intellectuals to the idea again social movement. Alain Touraine is a French sociologist who developed an analysis of the company and his evolutions starting from the concept of social movement^267(*). He defines that Ci as being « the organized collective control of an actor fighting against his adversary for the social direction of historicity in a concrete community »^268(*), i.e. the fight for the determination of the main cultural trends of the company.

According to Touraine, each company can be characterized by only one social movement. The labor movement is for him the social movement of the industrial company as « company of production ». The passage of the industrial company at the post-industrial company, started since 1968, causes the emergence of New Social Movements (NMS) located out of the company (movement student, feminist, antiracist). A social movement is equipped with three characteristics : it is placed in the center of the social conflicts, it has vis-a-vis him a social adversary clearly given and defined, it is equipped with a project of social change. The social actors of December 1995 do not satisfy, according to Touraine, these three criteria and they cannot thus be compared to a social movement. There is, according to him, a too important cleavage between the middle class, to which it identifies the core of paid companies, and the underclass made up of the whole of excluded. Thus the watchword of the movement of 95, « All together ! », mask a plurality of interests which are too divergent to constitute a project of company^269(*). From where the second criticism : the claims carried into 1995 are connected more with one defensive mode of conservation of the assets than to a true project. The refusal to modify the operation of the rules of the public utility would testify to one « strategy of opposition to progress »^270(*). Among different the phases which characterize the passage of the industrial company at the post-industrial company or « programmed », the strikes of 1995 correspond so that Touraine names it « great refusal »^271(*), i.e. it « existing shift between a conflict passeist but not yet completed demonstration and advertisement of a new type of opposition still not very visible »^272(*). It is a question, according to him, of not taking this great refusal for the social movement itself.

Contrary to Touraine holding them of « social movement »^273(*) the unit of the strikes and the content of the project defended by the demonstrators highlight. The unit of the movement manifest, according to them, by the convergence of the various social and economic categories (teachers, railwaymen, paid the private one) but of is also excluded and minorities (precarious without-papers, workers, unemployeds). This unit is symbolized by the slogan of these demonstrations (« All together ! ») which allowed the regrouping of these various movements in the same action. What makes it possible to affirm the emergence of a social movement, it is the unit of the same project supported at the time of these events. This project first of all translates a will of D-appropriation of the public policies by « those of in bottom ». It is a question of an attempt of founding a debate and a reflection on topics which were delegated to the specialists before^274(*). This project would not be former to the social movement but it is on the one hand, the logical postulate^275(*), and it is, on the other hand the resultant of these mobilizations^276(*).

Which claims this project would it carry? It would be possible to distinguish in the movement from 1995 and the conflicts which followed it, three levels distinct from claims^277(*). There would be first of all the claims which are defended explicitly by the actors. There would be also a claim equipped more general which would be the public defense of the service. The support of private brought to paid sector public testifies thus to the will to defend the service public as tel.^278(*) the premises of a refusal of the néo-liberal policies and « marchandisation » of the public utility, which is one of the principal claims of Attac, would be present in the movement of 1995. Lastly, a broader request for a change of company would be also expressed through these conflicts. There too, the founders of Attac seem to be the heirs to 1995. Indeed, the watchword « Another world is possible ! » which is one of the slogans on which Attac was based, returns to this social dispute. The idea of D-appropriation of the world on which Attac was created would be also to seek in this return of the social dispute and this revival of the militancy. ^279(*)

1.1.2 Which revival of engagement ?

1.1.2.1 The participation of surveyed

In order to check our assumption, namely that Attac was built starting from the recovery and of working of a whole of social movements which took place during the years 1990, we analyzed the place that 1995 and the social movements which followed, occupy in the engagement of the militants. First of all, one can affirm that the majority of surveyed took part in the movements of strike. Indeed, six inquired took part in it and three did not take share there (one of the people interviewed was fifteen years old at the time and one can thus exclude it). Their professional statute was varied since those which took part were as well students (Cecile, Luc) that paid public sector (Julie, Lionel) or private sector (Thomas). The majority were to express by the means of a local union. It was for much with CFDT (Lionel, Julie, Luc), whereas Nicole Notat had not invited to express against the Juppe plan with which it was in agreement. On the other hand, those which took part in this movement seems to be marked rather little by that Ci. Their participation in these strikes seems to rise from their engagement trade-union or associative preexistent and it would seem that these events had few consequences on their engagement. Isabelle is the person for whom December 1995 seems to have had the most repercussions. She syndicated in CFDT in 1985. Its adhesion then reflected at the same time an agreement with the ideas of the trade union and an adhesion of opportunity because of the structuring of the trade unions by office on its place of work. It occupied the function of union delegate then taken more distance with CFDT since the election of Nicole Notat towards whom it is very critical. It preserves however a good opinion of its local union while showing Notat of « collaboration » with the government. In 1995, it expressed in Lyon with the CFDT section. It perceives its participation in the strikes like one « advance » and « a resumption of the more active action ».

On the other hand, inquired which most spontaneously evoked these events and which grant to it a great importance are the two people (Fabien, Laurent) who did not take part in it. Both were savagely opposed to the demonstrations and supported the Juppe plan. They saw in the plan of reforms proposed one « progress on social matters » and granted to Juppe one « courage » political. Both are rather reticent with the action of the trade unions which they judge too much « épidermiques ». A factor seems to account for the distinction between those which supported the strikes and those which criticized them. It is about the implication in association. Those which did not take part in December 95 locate in an adhesion without it have there a very important engagement of their share. On the other hand those which took part in it are militants implied in the local committee.

Julie: I took part in the movements of 95 and a certain number of demonstrations. I am descended in the street and there were many people. For me that represented forces which called into question much of things. The problem it is that after 1995 there no was use of these forces, there was a request for action because there was world in 1995 and it fell a little bit flat after but for me it is a advance, it was a resumption of the more active action. CFDT had invited to express but always in terms a little... Our sections on Grenoble had been mobilized but this says a blow they left fascinating and a blow they are not. It is the problem of the trade-union demonstrations, a unit blow and a blow that is not it but one does not know on what they are it where they are not it. As a CFDT section one had expressed on Grenoble because there were a strong current the bowl of heap of things to see at which point as paid one was pressurized and one did not have our word to say, one was put in front of the fact accomplished for heaps of things.

Fabien: I do not know if you remember of all these demonstrations which took place at the time of the Juppe plan. I am rather located left and I was however very for the Juppe plan. I went to say it in the assemblies of faculty and I was made set fire to, because the fashion it was not that. Everyone wanted to go in the same direction. I was a little in the position of Nicole Notat, who it also favoured rather this plan. I saw a whole series of positive aspects there. I found that this plan went rather in the good direction [...] I especially did not take part in the strikes! I was badly seen by my colleagues because I did not strike. Me I think that this Juppe plan was nevertheless a certain progress on social matters. I was astonished to see the turning which the things took. It is astonishing to see what started this reaction [...] This measurement had been taken by Balladur in 1993 but the public office escaped that. Juppe in 1995 took a series of rather significant measurements, and there was among those the idea to align the civils servant on what had been made two years before for the employees of the private one. And it is that which was judged as an intolerable attack with the social rights. Me that does not shock me.

Laurent: Me I was not teaching at that time, I prepared the IUFM. I remember, I had been against the movement because I found that was well to reform the social security and to reform the SNCF. Juppe had been courageous there above. Thus me I had not struck. Me I was rather so that one can reform the social security.

The participation of surveyed in the social conflicts which followed 1995, took place in a similar way. The people who were already committed in associative structures, trade-union or political (Cecile, Francois, Thomas) took part in the mobilizations of the unemployeds or the movements high-school pupils. For example, it is the case of Cecile who was high-school girl. Exit of a family of militants, it adhered to Ras the Face in 1995 and revolutionary communist Youths (JCR) in 1996. Cecile had a very strong participation in the social movements of the years 1990 : she mobilized herself at sixteen years for the demonstrations of 1995, the movements of unemployeds and the occupation of the ASSEDIC in 1997 and 1998. Lastly, it took share with the movements high-school pupils in 1998 during which it took part in debates on education. It explains why its associative engagement brought to discuss other topics that racism. Its participation in the social conflicts returns in continuity with its engagement militant and its support does not testify to an awakening as it was the case for Julie. Much of inquired was mobilized at this period on the topic of racism and the antifascism. The three people most implied in militant structures adhered to Ras the Face. On the other hand those which did not have specific engagement did not follow these events. It would seem that contrary to our initial assumption, the social conflicts contributed only very slightly to a reactivation of the participation.

Cecile : I was with Revolutionary Communist Youths in Lyon. I returned to Ras the Face when I was 16 years old, I remained there two years and then I returned with the JCR, I were seventeen years old. In fact it is the organization of youth of the League. I am the girl of militants of the League, my father is militant League for a very long time, it was there with the foundation but it does not militate much any more, it does not have a responsibility and my mother was militant with the League, she was militant with the PSU she militated in groups of women in the Seventies. I belong to a militant family and I had this socialization there too. That is not very astonishing. I knew people of the League by my parents, but as I militated in Ras the Face I was brought to militate in social movements and I had friends who were with Revolutionary Communist Youths and thus I came [...] And then politically I militated on the antifascism and that brought me to other reflections, I militated also much on feminist tricks and that led me to say to me... starting from the antifascism, to go up at this company there such as it is organized and that brings to reflect overall on the company and I felt the need to establish links with separate things. I went in many demonstrations, in 1998 I had been occupied ASSEDIC, they were movements of unemployeds. I had taken part in the movements of 1995, I were in third. I invested myself a little, there had been a movement high-school pupil also in 1998. There had been also a movement against the FRIEND whom I followed by far because I was not in Attac and I was more retorted in Ras the Face. For me universalization that was not crucial. It is when I arrived at Science-Po which I was interested in Attac because it is a set of themes which one studies more universalization. For the movement against the FRIEND I had been with a conference of Susan George.

Thomas: Short-nap cloth the Face, it is especially related to the emergence of the national face, of the call of the 250, that goes back to 1992 or 1993 with writers. I had not taken part in creation but I came after because there are five or six years that I do that, I took part in conferences. Now I cannot anything any more because I make Attac and then it is all. But I go nevertheless to the manifs, if it is necessary to give a blow of hand of course.

The events of 1995 do not seem to have had the impact supposed on the engagement of surveyed. Whereas we had put forth the assumption of a massive alarm clock of the participation, it would seem that 1995 were the release of engagement only for very little of surveyed^280(*). The majority took part in these events within the framework of their trade-union or associative engagement without that causing on their premises a return of the participation. On the other hand, two members were opposed to this social dispute. This leads us to two conclusions. First of all, adhesion with Attac is not recut strictly with the revival of the social conflicts. Inquired mainly took part in the strikes of December 1995, however it is primarily about inquired which militated already within an organization. Some inquired were even savagely hostile with the strikes.

In addition, it is a question of calling in question the central part played by the events of 1995 in the return of engagement. How then to explain that Attac is presented as the heir to 1995 who symbolizes the revival of the social conflict and a return of the participation? The events of December 1995 marks a revival of the social conflicts. First of all because they are at the origin of a new dash of social dispute which will develop at the end of the Nineties, but also because they made it possible to renew the forms of the dispute by taking note of the diversity of the actors which were committed and their possible unit. But can one say in so far as the social movements of 1995 precede the anti-mondialistes movements ? The refusal of the Juppe plan in the name of the anti-liberal ideology is enough it to make of them the premises of a movement anti-liberal such as Attac ?

1.1.2.2 The mythification of the social movements

Michel Wievorka answers by the negative one these two questions^281(*). According to him, there was not in the proposals defended in December 1995 the project there that some could see. The social movements did not propose « a vision of the future, against cultural project, an even outlined whole of modernisatrices proposals or utopian »^282(*). The movement of 1995, was constituted a posteriori. The speeches of Christophe Aguiton and Daniel Bensïad rest over 1995 to account for the return of the militancy and the creation of a whole of association which would continue same dynamics. However, it would act according to Michel Wievorka of a strategy of setting in scene of the events of 1995. December 95 would have been constituted in myth in order to be used as historical and ideological guarantee with the associative and trade-union revival. The events of 1995 besides only are evoked very little in the speeches of surveyed into their engagement. Some take part, as we saw, in this associative revival without for to have engaged as much in the events of 95.

The revival of engagement and the militancy which is perceived in Attac would be the resultant of a whole of strategy of mobilization. The intellectual construction which took place a posteriori on the social conflicts of the years 1990 allowed historiciser the social movements by registering them in a historical screen. This strategy would answer the topic of « end of the history » evoked by authors such as Fukuyama, for which the current development of the great Western democracies would have come to a end. It would also be a question of establishing an inheritance common militant which can allow the constitution of a collective memory of « fights » and which plays a part of stimulant for militant engagement.

This glance related to the events of 1995 testifies to a change of prospect that it is necessary to adopt on the social movements. The social movement can be regarded as the setting in scene of a whole of mobilizations. It would act, according to Jacques Guilhaumou, to analyze a social movement from the point of view of the actors who take part in it but also from the point of view of those who of it are the spectators.^283(*) However the observation of the social facts should not be « naive »; it proceeds of a choice deliberated to highlight and to make more visible such or such aspect of the social movement. « The observation of the movements [social] returns us mainly to manners of being spectators. They are the spectators who testify to the dynamics of the emergent actors and of the appearance of a new share of significant likely to widen the field of experiment suitable for warps innovating evenementiality [...] For this reason, the rationality of the step of the observer proceeds more than one setting of visibility of the new in a close connection to the other that of a simple recording of realities »^284(*).

The years 1990 marks a revival of the social conflict in which December 1995 is an important date. However it is not carried out a real revival of militant engagement. Christophe Aguiton notices that « the change is not in the number of these « new militants » which for much was already engaged during the Eighties ten »^285(*). The new social conflicts have, on the other hand, allowed a renewal of the forms of the militant action.

1.2 New forms of mobilization

The contemporary mobilizations are carried out through the specific regrouping of a whole of heterogeneous actors. The demonstrations gave, previously, the advisability with each organization (associative, political or trade-union) of making state of its « forces »^286(*). It was about « a succession of procession trade-union and political [where] each one ravelled with his for such or such cause »^287(*). From now on, the participation in the mobilizations is carried out on a mode more personalized, during which « the demonstrators find themselves with the movement or the association which reflects best the combat of the moment »^288(*). The mode of participation in a demonstration is carried out on a mode more flexible and less constraining than previously^289(*).

However, there is a very strong homogeneity between these actors. Those are gathered within one « network » which is presented in the form of an abstract aggregation of a whole of organizations and which is constituted through the participation of heterogeneous individuals in the same movement of protest. This is why Aguiton defines the network as being «a flexible system, where one works together while keeping his identity»^290(*). It is during eighty ten, that a network of mobilization was gradually set up^291(*). The events of 1995 allowed, for example, to determine certain points of agreements around of which various organizations could meet in a transitory way. Parallel to this dynamics, another phenomenon accentuated this setting in network of the actors. The development of the social conflicts on an international scale led to the installation of a broader anti-mondialiste network.

1.2.1 The internationalization of the social conflicts

1.2.1.1 Birth of « against-tops »

Since 1999 the social conflicts took an international dimension at the time of « against-tops ». This term indicates mobilizations which take place at the time of the international tops joining together the most industrialized countries planet (which take place within the framework of institutional meetings^292(*) or of abstract regroupings^293(*)) in order to express a dissension with the decisions which are made there. The first against-tops are not, as opposed to what one could believe, those of the end of the Nineties. Already in 1989 in Paris had taken place it « Summit of the seven poorest people » in response to the course of the top of G7^294(*). The conferences organized by UNO during the Nineties were also the place of movements of protest. A total forum of the alternatives took place in 1992 in Rio de Janeiro at the time of the Summit of the ground, an international meeting devoted to the environment. For each meeting organized by UNO, of the against-tops were organized : in Vienna in 1993 on the topic of the humans right, in Cairo in 1994 on the problems of population, in Beijing in 1995 on the women, 1996 in Istanbul on subject of the habitat. The against-tops which took place recently have the characteristic to gather the militants already present during the preceding mobilizations and of new movements^295(*).

It is at the time of the negotiations of the FRIEND (Multilateral agreement on the investment) that the dispute « anti-mondialiste » appeared on the front of the public scene^296(*). The opponents with this agreement saw there « under technical forks and spoons of provisions, a total freedom of circulation of capital allowing the multinationals to dictate their law with the governments, endangering the democracy, social protection and the environment »^297(*). The negotiations of the FRIEND started into 1995 within OMC then were continued by OECD. In spring 1997, of American ONG North of defense of the humans right and environment diffused the text of the project in order to alert the associative networks which were organized. In France, during the autumn 1997, an information campaign was carried out by a collective (Coordination against the FRIEND) of seventy organizations to the various fields of interventions (Company of the film realizers, Droits in front ! !, Country Confederation). The diplomatic World was very virulent with respect to the draft agreement, which was published on its Internet site. During the meeting of the Group of negotiation of the FRIEND to OECD (located at the castle of the Dumb woman in Paris), a collective was made up and a demonstration take place in front of OECD on February 18, 1998. Another movement of protest proceeded on April 28, 1998; it was very médiatisé. In response to these mobilizations, the government decided in October 1998 to defer these negotiations to the framework of more judged OMC « democratic » that OECD (137 countries represented with OMC against 29 with OECD). The face of protest developed at once since in October 1998, a new collective was set up (Coordination for control citizen of OMC, CCOMC). It is this collective which prepared, as of February 1999, the mobilizations which took place in Seattle.

The movements of protest which took place at the time of the FRIEND, in 1998, seem to have had rather strong effects on the engagement of the militants. Several members directly bind their engagement to Attac with discovered these trade negociations and the polemic that there was then. For example Julie, for whom December 1995 had represented one « resumption of the active action », was very marked by the revelation of the agreements of the FRIEND. Luc explains that the FRIEND was for him one « awakening ». However those which previously were implied in the traditional social conflicts (industrial disputes, fights for the unemployeds, fights against the antifascism) were concerned very little with the polemic which took place about the FRIEND. For example, Cécile was interested in the movement but it explains why being implied in Ras the Face, it was informed little of the problems involved in universalization. François who also militated in Ras the Face and the LCR is not very interested in the movement for lack of « obvious stakes » which would have allowed a militant mobilization. Much of inquired was challenged by the movement FRIEND. Because of the absence of demonstration, that it is more related with an awakening than to an act of militancy. On the other hand, those which were challenged by this event (Julie, Luc, Fabien) adhered to Attac as of its launching, i.e. a few months after the FRIEND. It would thus seem that their engagement is directly related to this event^298(*).

Julie : I came to Attac because one day in Marianne I saw a small paragraph on the agreement of the FRIEND. This article analyzed this agreement and there I said myself : « It is not possible, it is not possible that one lets make a similar trick! » I believe that that be my catch. One month after there was the creation of Attac and I said myself Attac it is what I need [...] I said oneself it is not possible that the governments let do that. But this small paragraph was not enough for me nevertheless to go to express in the street and I did not take part in the movements of 1998 against the FRIEND. So that I go down in the street it was necessary that I adhere to Attac [...]

Luc: The movement counters the FRIEND formed intake of conscience at the same period. It was at the end of 97 and when I intended some to speak, there is a discovery which was made by step badly people at that time there. I think that it was by the diplomatic World that I intended some to speak.

F.E : There had been movements in 1998 against the FRIEND, you were well-informed?

Fabien: Yes, but I believe that there no had been demonstrations. It was OECD which had scheme and all that in hiding-place and after, under the pressure of the public opinion, that was withdrawn. I had seen that of outside. I was quite content that one arrives from there there but I did not have nothing to do there. I am the intellectual who reflects in his ivory tower and which lets bottom people put the hands in dirty oil! [Laughter]

Cecile : there had been also a movement against the FRIEND whom I followed by far because I was not in Attac and I was more implied in Ras the Face. For me universalization that was not crucial. It is when I arrived at Science-Po which I was interested in Attac because it is a set of themes which one studies more universalization.

François : For the movement of the FRIEND, I had passed to side because there was no popular movement, there were press campaigns and in the intellectual networks but on Grenoble there no was militant translation of that thus I passed to side like many militants. In my daily work of militant, there was not matter to distribute leaflets. When you want to give a rather broad militant translation to something, it is necessary that it is there other people who are available and I think that nobody was available to work on top. The stakes were not obvious.

1.2.1.2 The constitution of an anti-mondialiste network

Since, the international mobilizations multiplied^299(*). The IMF and the World Bank were disputed in their policy at the time of the against-top of Washington and that of Prague in September 2000. The conferences of UNO (United Nations) gave place to mobilizations such as for example at the time of the «social Summit » which was held in Geneva^300(*) from the 28 to June 30, 2000. Lastly, the European tops were also the place of mobilizations. It was the case in December 2000 in Nice or Götegorg (Sweden) in June 2001. During these demonstrations, one can observe among the organizations present a great diversity. However, it is about a restricted number of groupings ; they are generally found at each new against-top and take the practice to militate together. It is possible to gather the whole of these organizations under the term of « movement antimondialist ».

The anti-mondialiste dispute is carried out on a particular mode. The mobilization of the militants, at the time of the against-tops, takes place through a whole of associations, trade unions or parties policy. It acts individuals who fall under a network (the anti-mondialiste movement) by the means of the organization to which they belong. Moreover, it is not rare that the individuals cumulate adhesions with associations, trade unions and political parties varied and are in position of « multi-membership ». This structure of mobilization is not new. On the other hand, within an organization like Attac, the diversity of the organizations which are represented is very vast. For example, among the founder members of Attac, appear of the organizations of defense of the unemployeds (the national Movement of the unemployeds and precarious, MNCP), of assistance to housing (the DAL), of ecology (Friends of the ground), of professionals (the SNUIPP, unified national Syndicat of the teachers and professors of the schools) or cultural (the French Federation of the Houses of Young people and the Culture, FFMJC). There is also a great diversity of political affiliations of the participants. This diversity is checked, for example, within the committee isérois where militants of the PS côtoient militants of extreme left, and even of the anarchists. It is the same for the mobilizations for the against-tops where processions of left moderate and bunches anarchistic are found in the same demonstration. How to explain that individuals who do not have, a priori, of ideological affinities can find themselves within the same network of mobilization ? In order to be able to include/understand this mode of organization, it is necessary to analyze the configurations of the associative participation, heard in the broad direction of organized form of intervention in the public sphere^301(*).

1.2.2 Forms of the associative participation

1.2.2.1 The integration of the individual to the vertical networks

The associative participation is bound, like showed it Louis Dumont^302(*), with the emergence of individualism. This is why, association appeared in Occident at the end of the 18th century in simultaneity with the establishment of the democratic companies. The end of the companies of Ancien Régime represented the destruction of the hierarchies of body and the advent of the individual as a political subject. « Individualism, notes Jacques Ion, it is [...] the possibility of thinking the company as a sum of individuals whose autonomous existence is preliminary to their insertion in groups of membership and networks of dependence. The organization of the company is not there any more one initial data but an unceasingly started again social construction »^303(*). Weber conceived the associative bond like a contractual social relation by which the individual émancipe of the primary memberships (family, village, profession) which concern the community. It would constitute, according to Alain Caillé, the bond between the public sphere and the sphere private which makes it possible to control the social one^304(*). However, associations had, in particular in France, an ambiguous report/ratio in the State : sometimes complementary, sometimes concurrent; associations were perceived like intermediate bodies whose recognition was problematic. To solve this difficulty, the French associative model, being worth here in its generic and nonlegal meaning, is characterized by the juxtaposition of two poles which in fact a model mixes^305(*). A Community pole holist in whom the existence of the individuals who make the grouping is thought like secondary. A pole member where the individuals are regarded as subjects indicating of the representatives in a contractual way.

It is within the framework of this mixed model that the figure of the militant developed. The grouping is a combination of the primary memberships and groupings secondary. The vertical network or « constellation » is the mode of organization which developed since the 19th century. It is networks in which associations are gathered « either on the basis of similarity of objectives but on that of an ideological proximity »^306(*). This configuration makes it possible to ensure the integration of the individuals bus « it is more the grouping which qualifies the individual that the individual who makes act of association »^307(*). The most obvious example of this structuring is that of the PCF which formed with its groupings « satellites » one « conglomerate »^308(*). Starting from an ideological proximity with the party, followed one another a whole of affiliations other functionally specialized groupings: CGT, the popular Help, Union of the French women, Tourism and work, the FSGT (sporting and gymnic Federation of work), etc

During the Sixties, two major modifications disturbed in an increasing way the old vertical networks. First of all, it y have a progressive specialization of the groupings which caused a slow exit of the networks^309(*). Indeed, this movement of functional autonomisation allowed a less influence of the ideological networks on the local groupings^310(*). In addition, the change cultural and axiologic^311(*) which took place modified the methods of the associative participation. « The individuals do not mobilize themselves any more according to their place in the report/ratio of production and the interests cease being catégoriels to be symbolic systems and identity and are based on the ways of life than of the material concern "^312(*). Three consequences rose from these changes: an autonomy and a valorization of the room, a deterritorialisation of engagements, i.e. a geographical reduction in the memberships in the formation of the groupings, and finally the inscription of associations in one « total dispute of sociétale type ». Dialectical between the room and total A place at the end which it is at the level more decentralized that tend to refer the militant investments while at the same time « the horizon of reference is not strictly any more national but [...] supranational »^313(*).

1.2.2.2 a new age of the participation ?

Since the beginning of the Nineties, another mode of association appeared following the stressing of this individualization. In this configuration, with the image of the pole member, it is the individual who takes precedence over the grouping to which it belongs. Adhesion develops the individual because these are the specificities which from now on are taken into account^314(*). The individual does not alienate himself any more in his adhesion^315(*), but it personalizes its participation. One of the signs of the importance of the individuals in the operation of the groupings is, according to Jacques Ion, the transitivity of adhesions^316(*). The associative pluri-membership makes it possible an individual to be extracted from his primary distributers. Better, it is from now on the individual, by his adhesions, which is at the origin of the constitution of networks. « The transitivity of the individuals between the various groupings thus accompanies the appearance of networks which do not hold, at least partially, their existence that only action of the individuals who constitute them. In short the networks are not any more of the preexistent data upon the engagement, they progressively take shape cross implications of individual engagements »^317(*). The anti-mondialiste network should not be perceived like a preexistent structure with the national and international mobilizations. It is during against-top that it was gradually set up by the aggregation of distinct actors starting from a community of objectives and affinities ideological. Thus the anti-mondialistes groups gather a great diversity of profiles and individual courses, being able to go from the militant « professional » with the unemployed not having never militated^318(*).

However one can bring two limits to what has just been known as previously. First of all, it would be too caricatural to oppose to the old organization networks, where the individual was determined by his membership of one « constellation », a structuring where the individual would be fully autonomous in his choices. The inscription in a network preserves a certain influence on associative engagement. It is for example, because an individual adheres to an association as Attac which it could be led to approach the LCR politically. The individual cannot thus be only perceived, as opposed to what written Jacques Ion, like the subject of these networks, it is also the object^319(*). The second limit relates to the diversity of the actors who are engaged in the networks ; this is observable within the anti-mondialiste network. On the whole of the network it is possible to find very strong disparities social, cultural or political. However, a certain homogeneity exists, in particular political. But especially, it is within the organizations, that it is possible to find individuals belonging to the same socio-professional configuration. The dynamics of the social conflicts, first of all exclusively national then international, made possible the constitution of a network anti-mondialiste. Attac with the characteristic to have been born from this network and to be an actor with whole share for it. Association could not have been born without a regrouping from these various organizations but paradoxically Attac claims to federate the anti-mondialistes movements.

1.3 The place of Attac within the anti-mondialiste network

The majority of associations and the trade unions which founded association appeared during the Nineties, at the time of a scission with moderate and traditional organizations. Attac was born from the emergence of an associative and trade-union radicality^320(*). It is all the more necessary to know the principal actors of this social dynamics^321(*). That these organizations profit from considerable importance in the statutes.

1.3.1 A diversified associative network

There exists within Attac a network of associations very diversified. One can distinguish among those two kinds. First of all, those which are centered on the claim of social rights. One can qualify them movements « protesters ». They are characterized by a mode of action not-legalist, a very important recourse to the media. These associations cover a unit with very broad sets of themes : the defense of the unemployeds and precarious with AC ! , the fight for housing with the DAL, supports it with « without-papers » with Rights in front ! They are organizations which are, above all, turned towards the action. Other associations which took part in the foundation of Attac connect with think-thanks, i.e. think tanks. Among those the Friends of the Diplomatic World appear, Raison To act or the Copernic foundation. These associations are not turned specifically towards the action but are characterized sometimes by their standpoint. For example, Bourdieu had publicly supported the movements of strike which took place in 1995. It was also at the origin of proclamation « For States General of the social movement » launched in April 2000^322(*).

1.3.1.1 Associations protesters

Associations are represented very little within the national turnover of Attac. Indeed they occupy, among the 18 places reserved to the founder members, four seats^323(*). They however constitute about half of the founder members (18 out of 46). Moreover, associations present at the turnover are not those which one could qualify protesters since it is about Aitec (International association technicians, experts and researchers) or the FFMJC (French Federation of the Houses of Young people and Culture). Only association resulting from the social conflicts of the Nineties is that of Rights in front ! Vincent Spain, his president, is regarded besides as a person much more radical than the national direction of Attac. He resigned of the turnover after having run up on several occasions with Bernard Cassen.

At the local level, actions were regularly carried out with these associations. Those Ci were facilitated by the contacts which the militants between them maintain. For example, Thomas militated of 1993 to 1995 within AC !. He thus knows very well the contacts with which he can organize a unit action. However, one can note that always it is not a question of real actions which are carried out together but that is limited sometimes to a unit call. For example, the committee of the DAL in Grenoble, after having known a strong dynamism, is one today « cockle vacuum » which gathers two or three militants. The participation of the DAL and the signature of the leaflet remain however a had aim. The field of sympathies is some widened.

1.3.1.2 The role of the intellectuals in the social conflicts

Attac was born from the co-operation from several monthly magazines and reflection and news weeklies^324(*). That thus does not have anything astonishing that the circles of intellectuals occupy an important place in association. Association thus has its « scientists », on which it rests to carry out « counter-evaluations ». The committee Attac Isere was also based on the initiative of the president of the committee isérois of Reason To act.

The scientific Council of Attac was born from these various gatherings of scientists^325(*). Its operation is carried out on the mode of a network : one « hard core » permanent, structured around the organizations founders, meets at least once a month, while a whole of groups meet punctually^326(*). The participation in the Council is carried out on three distinct modes : certain members have a direct participation by the means by ' think tank ' (« Control financial flows and international financial institutions », « Retirements, wage saving and funds of pensions », « Environment and the durable development », « Transnational firms », etc), others are present as representatives of an organization with which a joint position is adopted and defended (it is the case, for example, of the positions defined in co-operation with the CCC-OMC or the country Confederation), others, finally, are charged by an autonomous organization with preparing a document, for the account of Attac, which is subjected to the scientific Council and which can be taken again together, or by only one of the organizations (for example, the cancellation of the debt of the poor countries with the C.ADTM) ».

On the other hand, the committee isérois maintains little bonds with the groups of intellectuals who belong to the founder members. There exists, for example, in Grenoble no bond between the group of the Friends of the diplomatic World and the Attac committee. The persons in charge for the local group of Reason To act took part in the launching of the committee, but they were gradually withdrawn. Bernard Floris who is representing it with the turnover isérois is attending seldom the meetings. In the same way, no inquired already adhered to a think tank. François explains that it wishes, through his engagement, to find one « tally of action » which enables him to be located on « ground of the daily fight ». It considers that the think tanks are connected with « coffee [S] philosophical [S] » which is located, above all, on « ground of the ideas ». This is why, T it explains, it preferred to militate in Attac rather than to adhere at a rate of Agir or with the Copernic foundation. François notes a cut between the intellectuals and the militants. He considers, moreover, that the standpoint of Bourdieu goes in the good direction but, that on the other hand, the association which he founded (Reason To act) does not continue the same step. He regrets that its members « do not discuss with the striker the SNCF or the employee the plan dismissal but with the intellectual executives the trade unions or associations ». Thomas, who belongs to a working medium, also notes this cut between the intellectuals and the militants. According to him, them « tricks in Bourdieu [...] are well but [...] are comprehensible by 5% of the employees ». Thomas considers that the intellectuals have a role to play in the social movements. This is why, it thought, while taking part in the creation of the committee Attac Isere, capacity to establish the link between the two.

François: It is not a literary engagement [...] And thus when I said that it was not a literary engagement, I say that if there had not been matter behind, of the social forces behind, of people who invested themselves in this trick. I would not be to go there. For example there is an association of the Friends of the diplomatic World, I do not go there. It is a choice, a political choice but of investment [...] What I seek it is not a framework of discussions simply. It is a framework of action. Here thus I need discussions to act and I need action to nourish the discussion. I am not located... I understand that there are people who do that. I do not seek a philosophical coffee or a political coffee. It is not my option [...] Yes and then they try to establish links with the trade-union world, of course. But it is not there. where one will act. One will make meetings. But on the ground of the social action and political it is a our function. That is not Attac. Yes that is not Attac. It was an association « on the ground », on the ground of the daily fight.... It is more on the ground of the ideas. There is full with things, like the network of Bourdieu with Raison To act. It is well. But that works another field. Yes sociologiquement that works another field... It is clear. But it is useful [...] There is a foundation which is called Copernic foundation, I do not know if you know. They leave the publications... I will not militate there inside. I have buddies who are in it, of people of the League who militate [...] I think that that [the cut between militants and intellectuals] will reabsorb in practice but this cut is strong. It is what Bourdieu in 1995 tried to do while trying to discuss at the station Lyon with the strikers the SNCF and their statement what it thought of the Juppe plan. It is a step which consists to go in the street and to try to draw up a relationship with people. It is a pity which it remained there. With Reason To act, it is not any more the same bond, they do not discuss with the striker the SNCF or the employee the plan dismissal but with the intellectual executives the trade unions or associations. I think that it is necessary to manage to decompartmentalize. To decompartmentalize, it is not enough to be member of an association, it as should be understood as there are different forms. The intellectual production it is a different work and that is supplemented.

Thomas : I have the idea always at the head that there are today intellectuals who are engaged and who have their word to say and which have a capacity to synthesize, to fact of arising the essence of the analysis economic and political and which can transmit in a simple way to people. Reason to act, I saw that it was a group of intellectuals and I said myself, us hard-working and paid, one will leave them gamberger all only and will not lead to tricks in Bourdieu which are well but which is comprehensible by 5% of the employees. I read passages like Souffrances in France. And I thought that that would be although us one bears witness with our words, so that the intellos can expose us their concepts with our words to us, because if they continue and they will not be included/understood. Me I contacted Raison To act and I said to them how me technician in a Grenoble-native company, how I perceive the world which surrounds us and how I can make the relay compared to people who are around me [...] I thought of being able to be used as bond.

1.3.2 The influence of the trade unions in Attac

1.3.2.1 Trade-union recombining

The trade unions which took part in the foundation of Attac position like « critical » and « radicals » with respect to the trade-union power stations oldest. The cut, although it is not clear, between the trade unions « radicals » and « moderated » appeared at the beginning of the Nineties. It is at the time of the events of December 1995 that it appeared most projecting. The principal trade-union power stations were divided on the position to take with respect to the strikes. The secretary of CFDT, Nicole Notat, accepted the plan suggested by Juppe and did not call with the strike but it was contradicted by a broad part of its trade-union base. Marc Blondel, secretary of FO (working Force), and Bernard Thibault, secretary of CGT (general Confederation of work) called with the strike. However, as Daniel Bensaïd notes it, « if the Confederations (in particular CGT and FO) were found together in the street, there no was trade-union face able to propose a calendar of mobilization unitairement and to present a platform of common claims »^327(*). The traditional trade unions arose weakened these events. Their incapacity to act as concert with the associative sector highlighted it « major fracture between trade unions and the social layer of the unemployeds and of excluded »^328(*).

Following 1995, the trade-union landscape was deeply modified. Cleavages which had appeared between the trade unions accentuated. CFDT disunited emergent associative movements and continued to support more traditional organizations such as the Restaurants of the heart^329(*). Louis Vianet, secretary of CGT, occupied the role of coordinator of the social movements. On the other hand, it refused to grant its support for the movements of unemployeds of 1997 and 1998, which been worth many criticisms to him^330(*). No trade-union confederation took share with the constitution of Attac. The absence of position of Nicole Notat, did not prevent the dissenting trade unions of CFDT (Federation of the CFDT banks, FGTE-CFDT^331(*)) from taking part in the constitution of association. On the other hand, Bernard Thibault, after a meeting with the founders, incited to mobilize himself in favor of association. This is why, among the founder members appear several sections of CGT : Federation of CGT finances, SNPTAS CGT Equipment, UGICT-CGT (general Union of the engineers, frameworks and CGT technicians^332(*)). The bonds which association with CGT maintains are all the more important as Pierre Tartakowsky, member of the turnover to the title of the UGICT-CGT is a secretary-general of Attac; he had the load, as a person in charge member of the C.G.T., to structure association by equipping it with an apparatus^333(*).

On the other hand, the most recent trade unions took an active part in the foundation of Attac. They are the same ones which occupied the front of the scene during the social conflicts of 1995. They tried to weave bonds with associations defending the women's right, the immigrant workers or them without home. At the end of the social movements of 95, an European Public Service Union took place between South besides, the Group of « Ten », CGT, FSU and the current « All together » of CFDT. It acted for those which took part in 1995 to constitute a form of interprofessional organization being able to give again a dynamics with the trade-union militancy^334(*).

Among the trade unions founder members, appear the Group of « Ten » or South (Solidarity, Unit, Democracy). Pierre Khalfa is member of the turnover to the title of the European Public Service Union Group of the Ten, he is also member of the office. The teaching trade unions have a very strong representation in Attac, since FSU (unit trade-union Federation), the SNES (national Trade union of secondary education) and SNESup (national Trade union of the higher education belong to the founder members. Daniel Monteux, who is member of the turnover and the office, represents SNESup besides.

The trade union more mediatized in Attac is the Country Confederation (CP). The Confederation and Attac are very close in spite of their very distinct fields of intervention. The Confederation is, moreover, founder member of association. François Dufour is member of the turnover and vice-president of Attac, with the title of the Confederation. Association gave on several occasions its support for the agricultural trade union : during the arrest of Jose Bove, after the disassembling of McDonald' S, Attac took part in the collective of support which had been set up^335(*). In the same way, at the time of its lawsuit, the national office had to invite the members to join « with all the initiatives [...] of support for the militants put in examination »^336(*). In addition to the international mobilizations, Attac and the Confederation took several actions together on the topic of the GMO. For example, of the militants of Attac took part in several occasions with the mowing of planted corn fields transgenic^337(*).

A priori, one could think that the trade-union engagement of the Grenoble-native militants is directed, above all, on the most radical trade unions which took part in the launching of association. It of it is nothing. Among inquired, five had a trade-union engagement : Lionel militated within F.O, Laurent, Julie and Raymond militated in CFDT and Thomas militates in CGT. None the people interviewed already adhered to South, the FSU or the Group of the Ten. The trade union more represented (CFDT), is besides, that which seems more far from the standpoint of Attac^338(*). How to explain this paradox ?

First of all, one can notice that for inquired the choice of the trade-union power station does not seem paramount. It would seem that they more privilege, in their engagement, the fact that the trade unions are means of fight in the company. For example, the adhesion of Lionel with F.O, although it is spread out over a long period (1988-1998), does not seem representative of its trade-union preferences. Lionel affirms that it is not a question of an engagement « of conviction but rather by opportunity and facility » (F.O was the trade union represented best on its place of work). It adds besides that « that could have been CFDT ». One can note that Lionel was to express in 1995 in company of the CFDT militants. In the same way, Luc explains that what is important for him it is above all « the collective organization of the workers ». He A chooses to adhere to CFDT following the conflicts May 68 in which Luc « was recipient ». When the election took place in its company to determine the choice of a trade-union power station, in fact the CFDT was elected. Luc estimates that it was « nearer at the beginning than now ». The majority of surveyed committed syndicalement thus seem more to conceive their adhesion as being related to the company that to the trade union as tel. This preference for a trade-union militancy which is independent of the confederations would explain by a refusal of the politization of the trade-union stakes. That agrees besides with the will that Attac posts of « to reinvent the policy of the labor-union movement : « Repolitiser, in the current situation, cannot in no case to mean the return to allegiances or even to dependences vis-a-vis political parties, nor the control of the trade unions on a political party [...] It is thus a question of reinventing the policy of the trade unionism, by taking as starting point the defense of the interest of its members starting from the company »^339(*).

Luc : There was only CFDT in the box, it is a small box, one was 50. Me in 1968, I made strike pickets, without being syndicated. CFDT more or less required of me, insofar as they felt that I was recipient of a certain number of things, I were very well seen in CFDT but I did not adhere, I worked in Paris at Marcel Dassault. There was to be CFDT and CGT [...] For me the trade-union power station it is not important, which important it is the collective organization of the workers. I belong to CFDT in the beginning, perhaps that I of it was closer at the beginning than now, but I adhered CFDT at the time because one decided to make a first section and during votes to know which trade union to retain CFDT passed because it was much closer to than one thought at the time.

Lionel : Then, I returned to the «Safeguard » at the beginning of the Eighties. Association knew a very strong bureaucratization. It functions less on one democratic mode and self-management and much more on one personal mode, especially that which is located in Savoy. Vis-a-vis these problems I decided to adhere to Working Force. It was not by conviction but rather by opportunity and facility. It was really compared to my work because there were problems in association. That could have been CFDT but today not. Several demonstrations were organized and several meetings and but I never had national participation, moreover in 1995 I went to express in Lyon with CFDT. It was by chance because I knew people, the trade unions are represented in association according to the offices in fact. But I smelled myself at all in shift I left my trade union into 1998 little time after my adhesion with Attac because I did not want to engage me more but I left in very good terms.

Among those which militated in CFDT, only one is still currently adherent (Laurent). Julie and Raymond left their trade-union power station after having engaged in Attac^340(*). Julie left her trade union in 2000, after fifteen years of trade unionism. She regrets that there is a cut between the trade-union base and the national direction. According to it, it « operation [...] does not go any more of bottom upwards but [it] share of the top and the others do not have large-thing to say ». Julie considers besides that the local section CFDT « fact of the good job ». On the other hand, it disapproves the standpoint of the national secretary, Nicole Notat, who is located in « collaboration with the capacity in place » and which represents « the driving belt of employers ». Its resignation is in direct bond with its militancy since it explains why its trade-union membership seemed to him « contradictory » with its adhesion with Attac. Raymond, who was union representative of his company, left CFDT in April 2001. Its resignation is bound, partly, with the local operation of the trade union since it considers that it met too many difficulties on its trade-union work. Moreover, it disapproves the negotiations which took place between Notat and Medef. It estimates, also, that CFDT « return too much in the play of employers ». Laurent is only surveyed who approves the national union guideline of CFDT. He declares that its trade-union membership is «completely well assumed », and it adds that it « appreciate » positions of Nicole Notat. On the other hand, it considers that there is locally a toughening on the left which is awkward.

Among inquired appear several « disappointed » of the trade unionism. It would seem that they regret a too excessive centralism. Their adhesion with Attac can be thus to be perceived as the search for a new fashion of engagement in which the national direction and the base would be more in agreement.

Julie: It was CFDT but I returned my chart. I returned it, one year ago because I found that indeed CFDT... I consider it regrettable that the spokesman of a group of mobilization that it is compared to the wage saving, compared to the modification of the mode of the retirements I find that it too is, for the moment, the driving belt of employers and I do not like at all that, therefore I die-syndicated. That made fifteen years, i.e. since I am here [...] Certain standpoint of Nicole Notat strongly displeased to me. Compared to the wage saving, compared to the questioning of the retirements, it is for the funds of pension and I said myself but... It is primarily that. For me it is in collaboration with the capacity in place and I find that there is today an operation which does not go any more of the bottom to the top but which leaves the top and the others do not have large-thing to say. And I find that his objective with Notat is to be made elect and to become minister of something, in the way in which it functions that is not possible differently. It is very épidermique. If not the CFDT section makes good job [...] For me that seems to me contradictory to be CFDT and in Attac, there I find myself me in a certain number of positions of Attac, even if I am not inevitably in adequacy with the national, I do not find any more high level of CFDT and I think that it is contradictory. CFDT agrees with the wage saving, Attac is not it and me I am not it.

Luc : I was union representative of the box. It was the trade union of the CFDT services [...]

F.E : On the other hand I do not remember when any more you stopped adhering to CFDT?

Luc: It was two months ago. Because I tested until the last moment of work with the base and one does not manage to work with the base [...] And I had envisaged when I presented myself and that I was elected secretary of the trade union, it was only if one managed to train the staff, if not I dropped. I think that it is to people who are syndicated to be caught in hand and it is not to people who are reprocessed to do the work for the others. I agree to spend time because there are people who are there, but I from would go away one day or the other. I have in my awaited opinion too much a long time [...] There would not have been all the problems of CFDT with the MEDEF which made blackmail and me I do not know an agreement so that CFDT negotiates within this framework there with MEDEF, that did not arrange the things. I find that CFDT returns too much in the play of employers

Laurent : In fact I had said to you that it is the first time that I adhered a movement but that is not true bus I adhered a CFDT and I was made elect trade-union representative within the framework of my trade when I was with the IUFM. It was three years ago. I am 32 years old. And there in CFDT I had the same problem that with Attac, I was confronted with people not only of the CFDT, there were two trade unions which were represented CFDT with the SGEN which is the branch of national education and the SIPP, it is the teaching trade union which is close to the Communist Party and CGT. And with them it was the same problem, they are radical and me I am not radical [...] Me I am syndicated in CFDT, assumed completely well with Nicole Notat whereas it is not badly called into question but me I appreciate [...] It is the same syndrome [in Attac] that for CFDT. Between the top and the base it is clear that the base is much more left. For the socialist party I do not know anything of it but for CFDT it is sure that it is an enormous difference.

Laurent: Because it is that which corresponds to me best. CFDT and, the socialist party, all that is coherent. Moreover I believe that CFDT is adherent in Attac.

1.3.2.2 A trade-union network isérois not very dense

On Isere, the militants of Attac already organized unit actions with the assistance of the trade unions which appear among the founder members. For example, at the time of the social Forum of Geneva, in June 2000, of transport had been organized by Attac in bond with CGT and FSU. Thomas, who militates in CGT since 1978, considers that this unit action with the trade unions would not have been possible, a few years ago. It is because Attac, « ask the trade unions to position », that CGT was brought to « to put questions [...] and then [with] to position ».

However, it is with the country Confederation, that the local committee maintains the most reports/ratios. Common actions were carried out on several occasions. For example, the 28/03/2000, a conference of Jose Bove had been organized in a joint way^341(*). A conference on the GMO proceeded in 2001. Attac also expressed its support towards the militants isérois of the Confederation. Thus, the Attac committee wished « to express [its] solidarity » with respect to three militants of the country Confederation of the Isere which had been put in examination for the mowing of a field of colza GMO^342(*). Moreover, the committee had launched a call of support to subsidize the hiring of bus so that the militants of the Confederation can go to Millau^343(*). Before the appearance of the anti-mondialiste movements, the committee isérois of the Confederation had very few bonds with the Grenoble-native associations and trade unions. One can suppose, that it is by the means, inter alia, of Attac that bonds were gradually formed. Moreover, Thomas, who affirms to know many Grenoble-native organizations, acknowledges that before his adhesion with Attac, it did not have bonds with the Confederation.

Thomas : For example the trade unions which are founder members of Attac, therefore precisely they are in the founder members of Attac and it is that one can with them work on these questions of universalization. Because I am not sure for example that last year in Geneva, against OMC, a few years ago one could have perhaps brought people separately the FSU which is well with the fact of the problem of the marchandisation of education, one could perhaps not have brought about thirty people of CGT to express against OMC. I do not say that it is us who did it... I say that the fact that Attac raises these questions and requires of the trade unions to position and that there be founder members of Attac which are there, in particular the CGT trade union of finances, that allowed that CGT raises questions about that and then positions compared to OMC is thus then takes part with us in all that. It is not sure that they would have done it a few years ago even if if of course they had positions on OMC.

F.E : You knew them before the militants of the country Confederation? How you were brought to you meet?

Thomas: Not. Me I met the militants of the country Confederation in Attac, I had buddies who knew them front but which knew them like that to have met during demonstrations, but...

On the other hand, put aside with the Confederation, no local action could take place with the support of the trade unions, in particular of the oldest power stations like CGT or CFDT. Thomas, who wished to organize diffusions of leaflets in the factory where it works, did not receive the support of CGT, although it is adherent of CGT. On the other hand, it received the assistance of CFDT, owing to the fact that the local union of the company adhered to Attac Isere. François reproaches to the militants of the committee isérois for not having tried anything to organize one « concrete labor » with CFDT and CGT. It puts in comparison its preceding associative experiment at Ras the Face with the situation within Attac. It estimates that the militants of Short-nap cloth the Face had succeeded in «weaving a strong bond with the trade unions at the base, locally ». Actions were carried out regularly with the trade unions, within the companies, and one « social bond » had been established. In the Attac committee, in spite of the presence of trade unionists in the turnover, François considers that there is not a true bond. It explains this paradox by two reasons. First of all, the trade unionists who are adherent in Attac, are present in association only at individual title. There is not thus a true representation of the trade unions as such. Moreover, there is not, according to him, a will on behalf of the militants of the Attac committee to work in bond with the trade unions. François considers it regrettable that members of the committee isérois « think of having the monopoly on these questions » (which is related to universalization) and in fact sound « pre-square » without «others [do not have] really their word to be said ». It would seem, that there is an attempt on behalf of the local committee to represent in an exclusive way the anti-mondialiste network.

Thomas: On a side, on the trade unions, there are founder members as with CGT or South or certain sections of CFDT... In Nerpick on the other hand one tested because there are leaflets of Attac which are distributed because CFDT Nerpick returned to Attac and one distributes leaflets. Me I am in CGT and I distribute leaflets of Attac. But one counted... And me I still count on the sections of company and trade unions so that CGT from time to time makes diffusions but CGT nothing whole... Nothing! Nothing! All the demonstrations which one made since February 1999, CGT as a trade union took part in no initiative with Attac. There are members of the CGT which comes with us but on a purely individual basis [...] Most of the time the local persons in charge do not have a bond and do not want to intend to speak about Attac. Whereas with CFDT one has bonds and one starts to be invited and recognized.

François: A thing had been made nevertheless a success of that Attac still did not engage, one had succeeded in weaving a strong bond with the trade unions at the base, locally. Attac has trade unionists in his direction and there are very few bonds with the Confederations. There are bonds with South and FSU, South because it is a modern and radical trade union in which you find libertarians, the people of extreme left or simply of disappointed of CGT. There is very little bond between Attac and CGT or CFDT, if not none. Me I think that that comes from Attac, I think that the Confederations are sclerosed enough and so that they move, it takes them time. Us, one made pressure on the trade unions and one said to them that compared to the problems of racism in the companies one can work together. Thus one made a concrete labor with these people-there. There were exchanges on the material which one could produce together and then there was a social bond, one was present regularly and as that people were not confined in their medium. In Ras the Face there were trade unionists and there is also in Attac and one had another step and they were there with the blessing of the departmental union of the trade union, they were there to establish the link. Attac does not have this step today and it is a pity. Perhaps that on the level of the leaders they have it, between Thibault and Bernard Cassen they must meet but it is not in the culture of Attac of saying that at the local level one will make a pole anti-universalization with all those which fight on different topics, for example CGT on the topic of the stock exchange dismissals. There is no offensive step in this direction. Attac thinks of having the monopoly on these questions, it is its pre square and it is in Attac to manage its claims and the others do not have really their word to say. In any case one did not establish footbridges to work together.

This lack of bonds with the trade-union network is also found in the relations which the group maintains « campus » with the student trade unions. Cecile, it responsible for this group, explains that it does not maintain any relationship with the three principal student trade unions, the UNEF-Id, Solidarité coed (SE) and South. She positions in withdrawal with respect to these three trade unions. She considers that the UNEF-Id wishes above all to recover associations of the campus^344(*). She is in disagreement with SE on the subject of the universal allowance of study. Finally it defines the militants of South as being « aristocrats [...] in the direction where they are very scorning with respect to the students ». On the other hand, Cécile estimates that actions are possible with these trade unions provided that that is made in a unit way. For example, it thinks that a joint action would have been possible at the time of the boycott of the Danone products. That would have made it possible, according to it, to be « complementary » without to be located on « the same ground ».

F.E : On the other hand, with the trade unions, they are present with the student trade unions? You have reports/ratios?

Cecile: No report/ratio! It is rather odd besides. Me I would have imagined that people, like those of the UNEF-Id, would come a little to Attac campus. For example with the UNEF-Id, they are very in bond with S.O.S racism there are many people Unef Id who are with S.O.S racism [...] For the moment, people of Unef Id do not come to Attac [...] And then, South, on the campus, finds reformists a little treacherous. Lastly, I exaggerate a little... [Laughter]. Not they is true, Southern are really very radical [...] And thus, there are not bonds with them because it is a political positioning; for them, to assert the Tobin tax is to use the system and that, they do not want any. I simplify, it is more complicated than that. Blow, one does not have a bond with the student trade unions [...] I was to see the student trade unions because I thought that it was important to militate and I had been to see Solidarité Coed and South and I had hallucinated on their practices. I found that they did not make trade unionism studying like the chains of inscription, on a case-by-case basis to make to defense students, floor on the reforms of the university and me that obstructed me. Me I always found that Southern was very intello and they are beside the plate on things. They are limiting aristocrats for me in the direction where they are very scorning with respect to the students.

Cecile: Not, because one does not act on the same ground! [...] The studied trade unionism, it is the defense of the rights of the students initially then after they are political positionings. But it is not at all the same vocation as an association like Attac. Me I think that there is a complementarity. That would have been well, for example, that one works with the student trade unions on the subject of Crous or Danone. It is a subject which is in extreme cases of what can make a student trade union; because it is on the campus and that that concerns the students alone. If one had been solicited by a student trade union or that one had bonds with a trade union studying on this subject, one could very well have made a joint action. How there are not these bonds there and that South does not intervene on the campus and Unef Id intervenes but not on this ground! [...] But me, I think that is not to make shade, one could be very quite complementary on an action [...] Not! An action with only one studied trade union, it is always a little difficult. It is a trick in binomial, you see, just with a trade union, it is feasible, but me I think that it is always better, for example in the unit field, when there are several associations or trade unions or parties. It is better because you do not have an association which is made directly, me that saoulerait me that one is associated Unef id, you see, that one would have to make only with them; on the other hand one could make a unit action with them.

Grenoble-native Attacants carry out few common actions with associations, but especially the trade unions, buildings. The organizations which founded association in a national and local way, seem to have very little influence in the life of the committee. Why the national leaders grant such an amount of importance to the adhesion of other associations and the members of the Grenoble-native committee if little? It is necessary to seek, according to us, the reasons of this divergence in the various representations of associative engagement.

1.3.3 Adhesion like individual act

Without the presence of people morals, Attac would undoubtedly not have had the attractivity from which it profited dice its departure. Moreover, the majority of surveyed consider that the founder members had a role necessary in the launching of Attac. The participation of the people morals in association would facilitate, according to some, the setting in network of the organizations. For example, for Thomas who knows many associations on Grenoble, the adhesion of various organizations with Attac makes it possible to take joint actions. Work in collective is facilitated by the fact that organizations are represented in association. When Thomas was a president of the committee isérois, one of its principal tasks was precisely to establish a coordination of associations and trade unions through Attac.

Others are less enthusiastic, and are unfavourable so that the founder members can take part in the operation of association. For example, Luc recognizes that the people morals had an important role in launching. Their support made it possible to create a dynamics which was advantageous. On the other hand, the participation of the founder members in the course of association is not desirable. First of all, according to Luc, the adhesion of an organization is likely to start conflicts. According to him, divergences can occur on certain standpoint, which can bring to a blocking. The adhesion of the individuals seems more logical to him than that of the people morals, bus, in the event of difficulty, an individual can be disengaged more easily than an association. In addition, the participation of the founder members is not, according to Luc, materially realizable. The fact of militating in several associations prevents an implication which is sufficiently strong. This is why, he regrets that the founder members are not more present at the national Boards of directors or that certain members of the turnover of Attac Isere are retained in their respective organizations. The principal risk, according to Luc, it is that the adhesion of the people morals replaces that of the individuals. The founder members have thus a role to play during the launching of association, but they should not take part in its development. It is preferable that the organizations present withdraw movement gradually. Luc points out that it is what was held after the foundation of Attac Isere^345(*). The founder members little by little left the association which was taken again by people not laying out, for the majority, several adhesions.

Some, finally, are hostile to the founder members and consider it regrettable that association was launched by a whole of organizations. Lionel, which adhered in 1998, did not know during its adhesion that associations or trade unions had adhered to Attac. It regarded association as a regrouping « spontaneous individuals » acting in a step common but clean to each individual. It is gradually that it became aware owing to the fact that certain militants represented other organizations and were « supported by a structure ». The presence of this « machine » into the launching of Attac it introduces « risk of a instrumentalisation ».

To answer these various reactions, a debate proceeded, during the plenary assembly of January 10, at the end which a proposal was voted : « Attac is a movement citizen. No matter who can, insofar as it adheres to the national charter, request his adhesion from Attac, whatever his commitments entered into in other movements (left, trade unions, associations, communities, elected officials, etc). [It was one] very majority position. »^346(*). However, in this case of figure, the initiative of the adhesion which is allotted to the individual takes precedence over the fact that it is representing it of a legal entity. Individual adhesion takes precedence over the representation of the organization. Better, the individual is perceived, as Julie testifies some, like the result of a combination of distinct adhesions.

Thomas: for me that does not pose a problem, there are statutes which were set up, even if there are certain things in the statutes which displease to me compared to the representativeness of the local committees which is difficult to digest... compared to the people morals that does not disturb me absolutely. Me I am exaggerated, an exaggerated collectivist and I can work in committee, in collective... [...] As soon as one can work together... When I was a president, I precisely tried to make function the networks with people whom I knew besides and set up a collective for me it is very important.

Lionel : [...] I discovered rather quickly that there were many personalities morals which were used as stopping in Attac what enough curious. I discovered it at the end of the first year when I took part in Attac in a rather naive way because I imagined that they was people a little as me who had gathered individually. And makes of it, I realized that for a certain number, all and sundry are supported by a structure. Even if the initiative were done on a purely individual basis, behind there are already groups made up. Groups of journalists or associations or then on the level of the trade unions. [...] It was not only any more for me a spontaneous movement individuals. I found that curious. Surely Attac would not be created without these groupings. Then it is true that Igniacio Ramonet has a certain share of charisma and it is very insufficient to launch an association, there is always a machine. Who says machine says the risk of a instrumentalisation. It is always the risk... Finally for me!

F.E : On the other hand, Attac was launched at the national level by several associations...

Luc: [...] But it is similar at the national level, if they had not met, Attac would not have existed. On Isere if they had not met for saying «One launches a local section Isere of Attac», it would not have had Attac Isere there. Thus they sponsored well. On Attac national, associations are members of the Board of directors but they do not take part in it! They do not take part in the meetings because each one goes in its own association, their own boards of directors. They are invested in the Boards of directors of their association. There is not even vote most of the time in the national Board of directors [...] Me I am against the adhesion of other associations. Because an association has its own objectives ! That does not want to say that one does not work with those which have common objectives, there are boards of directors which discuss between them and the risk to have contradictions with these associations there. Days ago when one is likely to have contradictions with the citizen lambda and if there is a majority position and that somebody does not divide it, it from goes away!

Luc : Me I was ready from the beginning to give a blow of hand, as of the second meeting I was to see the members who seemed to me active and I said to them that I was ready to give them a blow of hand and they proposed to me to contribute to the board of directors [...] At the time, they were very numerous and manpower of the Board of directors were reduced. One found oneself to 7/8, because people gave up [...] It was, I think of people who had taken part in the creation of the committee. That was to be people coming from other associations members founders of Attac. Because a Board of directors must be created by the founder members of Attac. They decided to launch that and then gradually they left.

Julie : Because in any event each individual adheres to several associations and it is the result of all that, i.e. of all these adhesions and its reflections. Attac belongs to an association which makes it possible to reflect, to position.

These divergences of appreciation within the local committee caused debates recently^347(*), at the time of the participation of the committee isérois in the launching of an association. The C.ADTM (Committee for the Cancellation of the Debt of the Third World) is a network of associations which militates on the question of the inequalities between North and the South but which widened its field of claims considerably^348(*). The C.ADTM supports, inter alia, the idea of a tax on the financial transactions. Its president, Eric All Saints' day, is in addition, member of the scientific Council of Attac and journalist in the diplomatic World. A group of the C.ADTM was recently created on Grenoble. The members of the committee isérois agreed to take part in its launching because they estimated that two associations present similarities of objectives. Indeed, the cancellation of the debt of the Third World is one of the principal claims of Attac and the committee has a ' think tank ' which is devoted to this topic. Attac took part in the launching of the C.ADTM, of coordination with the Information center inter-people (CIIP). However, two difficulties appeared. Initially, there are for the moment only associations which can adhere to the C.ADTM and, in addition, certain members of the committee would like that Attac Isere adheres. The president of the local committee, Luc, positions among those which refuse this adhesion. The participation in launching, according to him, was conditioned in the withdrawal of association. It is not thus a question of adhering, as an association, with the C.ADTM. What Luc wishes to establish, it is a coordination and a co-operation of two associations on a common topic.

Luc : At the time of the preceding board of directors, one spoke about the C.ADTM where there is an ambiguity. One took part in the launching of a section on Grenoble for the committee of cancellation of the debt of the Third World, one sponsored the first meeting with the center inter people. Me, I went there with the spirit of saying that one is there to launch a section of the C.ADTM but one is not there to deal with section of the C.ADTM. One is there, if there are people who are voluntary but if nobody is voluntary one does not do it. And compared to that currently, they are not clear whole, because in their committee of cancellation of the debt of the Third World, there are for the moment only these associations which adhere, therefore people who are already in the associative medium. Us, one launched a group C.ADTM in order to engage a research topic on the debt of the Third World and me that clearly appeared to me to say that people of this group, if it take part in the C.ADTM, they decide on what they do compared to him but the discussion which took place, they was people who said «one needs that one adheres to the C.ADTM as Attac Isere», there are people who said which me «not, one does not adhere to the C.ADTM! ». If necessary, one can go on actions on the topic of the debt, if the group of the debt decides to take part with them it decides it but one does not adhere as an association, one works with them. Because there is that associations which adhere and it are no individuals. What does that cover?

The Nineties were remembered by a wave of social conflicts. It proves that they had few consequences on the engagement of the militants isérois. Indeed, only the militants already inserted in organizations had an active participation in these events. On the other hand, they started a change in the form of the mobilizations. The structure of the network spread. This phenomenon was accentuated during the mobilizations « anti-mondialistes ». The against-tops gather a relatively restricted number of actors who established bonds with the wire of the mobilizations. Attac has a double specificity. Association was born from its networks. But in addition, it wishes to gather and federate the anti-mondialistes organizations. Thus networks were reinforced between the trade unions and associations. However, this configuration which was established at the national level is much less present at the local level. How to give an account of this difference ? It would seem that the militants of the committee are more refractory with the participation of the people morals in Attac. The enthusiasm of the national leaders for the network is not setting within the committee isérois. Many militants are disappointed trade-union engagement. They are also rather hostile with respect to the political parties. These two characteristics explain why the militants isérois testify a certain mistrust. They fear a political attempt at recovery.

However, the militants isérois seem to go, once more, against the evolutions which the militancy knows. The new fashion of participation that Martine Barthélémy and Jacques Ion outline supposes an individual design of adhesion. It is indeed the representation of the militants. On the other hand, it is not accompanied by a transitivity of adhesions. Very little of inquired multiplies the memberships^349(*). It thus appears necessary to call into question the innovation by which one qualified the militants initially.

The militancy specific to Attac would be registered in modernity. Contrary to specific and material engagements, it would symbolize the return of engagements for « great causes ». The militant is not heard any more like that which « follows » passively with the image of the large trade-union machines and policies which have a crisis of engagement at the end of the Eighties causes. From now on, Attacant would be militant which combines reflection and action. For that, it operates an intense work of economic formation which makes it suited to réapproprier a speech which the specialists seized a long time. It is by questioning these assumptions that it will be possible to determine which type of militance takes place within Attac.

2. New militants ?

The analysis and the comprehension of the militancy of Attacants require, initially, to explain logics of them; it is necessary for that to be located in an understanding step. Political engagement is a complex process of which us drudges of Then, in the second time, it will be possible to examine the effective practices of action to which the militants isérois testify.

2.1 The comprehension of engagement

The comprehension of political engagement is not regarded as being immediate. However, one a long time represented the political participation like an attitude self-explanatory. How to explain such a change of perception ? First of all, it is necessary to recall, like does it Pascal Perrineau, that the representations are not neutral, it is the same for that for political engagement^350(*). This is why it is important to recall the great historical stages of them. Within political science, « end of 18th in the middle of 20th, it is a normative design of the political engagement which [was] dominant »^351(*). Thus, as Domenica Memmi notes it^352(*), the political idea of participation^353(*) was before a a whole normative representation, i.e. which dictated with each member political community a «civic duty» which seemed a «obligation to take part». It was then about one « categorical imperative » democratic to which was to conform each individual. This representation put, in right, each citizen on the same equal footing and presupposed that political competence is shared by all. Using the generalization of the statistical surveys, it appeared in the Fifties that the voluntary citizen rented by political science the image of an individual replaced « liability »^354(*). One second decisive evolution take place : the empirical studies highlighted that the activities considered as policies are practiced by a minority of individuals and that certain individuals practice several activities. Martine Barthélémy notes thus that « the office plurality of the memberships and the concentration of the responsibilities or the militant activities to the hands of a minority of citizens are an illustration of the gap between reality and the standard, the possible one and the desirable one »^355(*). The élitistes theses tend to legitimate the political exclusion of the greatest number. On the other hand, it « ideology of the participation »^356(*) was put at evil by other authors such as Pierre Bourdieu. The problems of the democratic illusion, that it developed, contribute to renew the comprehension of engagement^357(*). It rests on the paradigm of the domination. The participation in a specific field of activity^358(*) (economic, journalistic, political, sporting, etc) presuppose the detention of a whole of social and technical competences. However, the uneven structure of the distribution of the resources in our companies implies it « dispossession » of the majority of the individuals and it « concentration of the properly political means of production to the hands of the professionals »^359(*). Dominated then does not have other choice only it « handing-over of oneself » with the professionals who ensure the representation of it. The militancy would be only one level intermediate in this distorted representation. Thus, that which acts as constituent is useful before all his own interests. The political field would be one « microcosm » whose actors are quasi-invariants^360(*). Political engagement would thus constitute, according to Bourdieu, an illusion.

The great merit of contemporary sociology is to have demystified an engage logic idéel which regarded the political participation as something of naturalness^361(*). The disassembling of the reports/ratios of force which animate the field causes to make cease distorts it transparency which makes appear natural the division of the social labor^362(*). What within Attac happenhappens ? With which social logics the engagement of the militants answers ? It is here about dénaturaliser engagement citizen by analyzing his logics.

2.1.1 The figure of the militants

The approach which was developed by Bourdieu considers the positioning of the individuals within the social structures. This step is based on the assumption following: «Political engagement constitutes the demonstration of beliefs, representations, standards acquired by socialization, which reflect the position and the trajectory of the individuals in social space and/or their membership of social groups »^363(*). Bourdieu characterizes social space by a double determination : the field and habitus. The habitus is the way in which the social structures are interiorized by the social actor. Bourdieu defines it as one « system of provisions durable and transposable »^364(*).

In order to be able to define it « habitus » in which the militants of Attac evolve/move, it is necessary to know the total volume of the distinctive social resources held by each agent and its distribution between the various shapes of capital^365(*). However, this not being the principal object of our research we will limit ourselves to the variable for which we have the highest number of information: the socio-professional category (GCV). It acts, in a comparative approach, to connect the resources held by the militants at the national level with the group of surveyed but also with other sets of reference^366(*).

2.1.1.1 A strong socio-professional categorization

In order to be able to carry out a sufficiently fertile analysis, it seems preferable to consider the GCV at the aggregate level which is and to consider for that only the six principal categories^367(*). This method enabled us to detect certain absences but also the on-representation of certain categories.

First of all, it is observed that at the national level, five categories or are not represented little. Three categories of credits miss. « Farmers » 1,4% of the members and 0,5% of the readers of the diplomatic World represent. This weak representation is confirmed, in addition, in the investigation « Toulouse » since no farmer appears in the sample^368(*). This observation must be relativized. The farmers accounted for only 2,7% of the working population (P.A) national in 1998. In addition, their place in the working population of the agglomerations of more than 200.000 inhabitants was even more restricted since they account for 0,14% in 1999.

On the other hand, the absence of « Craftsmen, tradesmen and heads of undertaking » seems more relevant. They account for 3,9% of the national members and 3% of the readers of the diplomatic World. They miss also sample of the investigation « Toulouse ». They under-are relatively represented compared to national P.A (6,5%). One can explain this underrepresentation, in a a little diagrammatic way, by supposing that the registers of militancy to which Attac refers are too distinct from this category.

Lastly, the third active category absent from the composition of association is that of « Workmen ». While they account for 27,4% of national P.A, they do not appear among the members of Attac^369(*). Besides they account for only 3% of the readers of the diplomatic World. One can suppose that this extremely important differential is related to the cultural level required by the reading of monthly magazine. As had observed we, some inquired admit testing much difficulties of including/understanding the articles which are published there. This high level cultural is perhaps, we make the assumption of it, which accounts for the weak place of « Workmen » within association. This explanation concerns the sociology of the domination symbolic system of Bourdieu.

Two other categories, which are not entered in the working population, under-are represented. It acts, first of all, of « Students and high-school pupils » (6,3% of the national members). This report is also checked in the survey carried out by Thomas Marty where « Students and high-school pupils » 6% of the sample represent. This underrepresentation is however surprising. It seems to go contrary to the initial representation of association. Attac appears, within the media and of the official publications, like a vector of revival of the engagement of young people. Committees appeared besides within the universities as it is the case in Grenoble^370(*). In order to check this observation, it seems necessary to pay our attention to the age brackets of the members. Lastly, the category of the unemployeds under-is also represented since it occupies 5,7% of the whole of adhesions.

Among the members of association, two GCV on-are largely represented. « Frameworks, higher intellectual professions » (cpis), first of all, appear as being the category most present (49,7%). One can distinguish there, like does it the national managerial staff of Attac, the executive staff and liberal professions (16,8%), the teachers and the researchers (15,7%), the higher intellectual professions (9,1%) and the artists (7,3%)^371(*). This observation also corresponds to the investigation « Toulouse » (58,7%). Among inquired, two people belong to this category. Francois, who is a piano teacher, is attached to « Professions of the information of arts and the spectacles », while Fabien, which carries on the activity of professor of university, is affiliated with « Scientific professors, professions » (cpis 34). In addition, Luc, before being with the retirement, also belonged to the cpis category since it profited from the statute of engineer. This value is all the more notable as the cpis category accounts for 12,3% of national P.A.

In addition, the category of « Intermediate professions », on-is also represented. 29,7% of the members are attached to this GCV. One also finds this importance in the sample of the investigation « Toulouse » (34,8%). Four people interviewed are attached to this category : Lionel (psychologist in an association) and Cecile (welfare officer) belong to « Intermediate professions of health and social work » (pi 43). Laurent who is a teacher is affiliated with « Teachers and comparable » (pi 42).

What one cannot miss seeing, it is that addition of the two preceding categories with that of « Employees » (represented to 15,26% within the whole of the members) form what one calls them « middle class ». This representation appears like one of the principal problems of sociology. It would constitute an explanatory paradigm making it possible to account for political engagement since the end of the Fifties^372(*). The term of « middle class » illustrates the attempt to incorporate under the same unit a whole of distinct actors^373(*). In spite of the polemic which exists on the validity of this concept, the sum of these three socio-professional categories represents a sufficiently important data (94,66% on the level of the national members, 65% of the sample of the investigation « Toulouse », two thirds of surveyed) so that one cannot occult it. What represents this on-representation of the middle class within Attac ?

Document 1: Compared socio-professional structures

Table 1 : Comparison by GCV

GCV (1)	Ag	Acce	Cpis	Pi	Emp	Ouv	Total
EchantillonAttac	0	0	58.7 %	34.8 %	0%	6.5 %	100
Attac. nat	1,4%	3,9%	49,7%	29,7%	15,26%	?	100
P.A (1998) national (2)	2,7%	6.5 %	12.3 %	20%	29.8 %	27.4 %	100
P.A (1990) national (3)	4%	7.2 %	10.7 %	18.6 %	27.4 %	30.1 %	100
P.A (1999) >200.000 hbts (4)	0.14 %	5.5 %	16.8 %	23.7 %	30.9 %	22.2 %	100
Readers World diplo (5)	0.5 %	3%	40%	18.5 %	9%	3%	100

1 : the GCV (socio-professional Professions and categories) are aggregate in 6 principal stations whose 6 abbreviations mean : Ag (Farmers), Acce (Craftsmen, tradesmen and heads of undertaking), Cpis (Frameworks and higher intellectual professions), pi (intermediate professions), Emp (Employed), Ouv (Workmen).

2 : INSEE, social Data 1999, statistical INSEE public, 1999, p. 148 (starting from the investigation use of 1998).

3 : Serge, Stratification and transformations social (the French company in change), Nathan, Paris, 1993, p. 68 (starting from the census of 1990).

4 : INSEE n°662 Results/663 series Employment-Incomes n°153/154, July 1999, Employment survey of January 1999 (detailed Results), p. 134.

5 : « Who are the readers of the diplomatic World », The Diplomatic World n°535, October 1998, pp. 14/15.

Table 2 : Quantitative variations of the GCV in time and space

	Ag	Acce	Cpis	Pi	Emp	Ouv
Variations P.A 98/90 (1)	- 32.5%	- 9.7%	+ 15%	+ 7.5%	+ 8.8%	- 9%
Variations P.A >200000hbts/P.A 98. (2)	- 94.8%	- 15.4%	+ 36.6%	+18.5%	+ 3.7%	- 19%

1 : Variation in time in % of each GCV enters the working population of 1990 and that of 1998.

2 : Variation in space in % of each GCV enters the working population national of 1998 and the working population of the urban units of more than 200000 inhabitants.

Source : Marty (Thomas), Sociology of association Attac Toulouse : Social positions with the cognitive standpoint. Sociological study by questionnaire and direct observation, memory for the diploma of the IEP of Toulouse, Tells (Claire) under the responsibility of, 1999/2000, p. 53.

2.1.1.2 Prevalence of the middle class

Alain Touraine is the sociologist who placed the middle class, as an actor, in the center of the process of social change^374(*). The concept of conflict, as we saw, is essential with its sociology. However, the object of this conflict is not the monopolization of the means of production, contrary to the prospect Marxist, but historicity. Such is the stake of the reports/ratios of classes^375(*). The industrial company was based on the role occupied by the working class. The advent of the post-industrial company generated very an other configuration. Indeed, the emergence of better graduate average categories, better represented upset the social conflicts. The values defended by the social movements are not any more those which were defended by the labor movement, namely the rise in the standard of living. These values replaced the defense of nature, the research of personal blooming, the access to the knowledge, and more recently, the assertion of new social rights. Modernity, according to Touraine, would be characterized by the separation of the orders economic, political, social and cultural. Consequently, the participation in the social conflicts would be carried out, above all, within the average social categories while the most threatened social categories would be excluded from it. Cleavage would not be any more between « high » and it « low » of the company, but between those of « inside » and those of « outside »^376(*).

This theory has a strong heuristic value in order to clarify engagement within Attac. First of all, the absence of workmen would not be explained only by one deficit of cultural and school capital, as we have to postulate it from the point of view of Bourdieu, but also by the dissimilarity between the values represented by Attac and those to which the categories resulting from the industrial period are identified. The shift enters the claims carried by association and the values « industrial » impossible the participation of certain actors would make. A movement such as Attac would make visible this cut about which Touraine speaks, between in and out. Moreover, the on-representation of « Frameworks, higher intellectual professions » and of « Intermediate professions » a better representation of the values of the middle class would translate within association.

On the other hand, Martine Barthélémy accounts for the on-representation of the middle class within associations using the concept of social mobility. For example, according to it, the intermediate professions which are in situation of upward social mobility^377(*), i.e. which comes from a social category considered as lower, testify to one « social desire of recognition » which results in a political engagement^378(*). Louis Chauvel considers that « the aspiration upwards » is a key concept in the analysis of the evolutions of the social structure in France »^379(*).

The concept of social mobility would also account for the weak political engagement of the employees. The employees besides under-are very represented within the members of Attac. Whereas they account for 15,26% of the national members and 9% of the readers of the diplomatic World, they account for 27,4% of national P.A. The category of the employees knew a strong progression since the Fifties. However, their place in P.A was stabilized since the beginning of the Eighties^380(*). Contrary, the progression of the other components of the middle class was done in a linear way. Louis Chauvel puts forth the assumption then that the progression proportionally less strong of the employees translates their social downgrading. That Ci would be with a rise in the necessary training levels^381(*). The social downgrading would bring closer, more and more, the employees of the workmen thus breaking with « the assumption according to which the tertiarisation implies an ascending mobility mechanically^382(*). The homogeneity with the other categories composing the middle class is thus only relative. The similarities of economic capital do not mean, as recalled by Thomas Marty, an equivalence of cultural capital^383(*).

2.1.2 Socio-demographic categories

2.1.2.1 The kind and the age of Attacants

Initially, one can note a strong presence of the men within Attac (60%). Political sociology already showed that the sex is a heavy variable in the comprehension of the political participation. However, as recalled by Matéi Dogane and Jacques Narbonne, one cannot therefore speaking about political behavior which would be specific to the women or the men^384(*). It is more the specific psychosocial context to each sex which intervenes. The difference of social status, the unequal place in the report/ratio with work, and the sexual division of the tasks within social space give an account of this difference^385(*).

However, it would seem with the first access that this difference is not observed within the militants isérois. It was possible to notice at the public meetings that the number of women and the number of men were often equivalent. It was even rather frequent that the women are represented better than the men. « parity » is also respected within the turnover since nine men and ten women are present. That testifies to a will of the militants isérois to respect balance. The parity constitutes an objective asserted by the militants. On the other hand, among the 33 persons in charge for sets of themes groups, the women under-are represented with only twelve stations. That more really represented the sexual division of the tasks within the committee isérois. The equal presence of the women and the men at the meetings does not translate therefore an equality of the participation. Indeed, more of the three quarters of the speeches are carried out by men. Moreover, two types of speech seem to be able to be distinguished. The speeches carried out by the men seem to be equipped with a property much more decisional than those which are carried out by the women. These observations remain of course with the row of assumptions because they would ask to be confirmed by a greater number of observations. The distribution men/women seemed to us sufficiently unequal so that it is important to speak about it.

The distribution of the militants in term of age group appears on the other hand very homogeneous^386(*). The most sixty years 15% of the national members represent^387(*). This figure translates a good representation of this age group which occupies 26,9% of the working population but whose militant political participation is usually weak. The observations which it was possible to carry out at the time of the A.G of St Brieuc in October 2000, where the most sixty years were very present, allows to suppose that the participation in community life enables them to establish a social bond^388(*). It is difficult, because of the statistics at our disposal, to precisely evaluate the representation of the young people within Attac^389(*). The 18-30 years account for 60% of the national members. They also account for 19,4% of the sample of the investigation « Toulouse ».

The age group best represented within the national members is that of the 30-60 years (69%). Among those, it would seem according to the study carried out by Thomas Marty that the 30-40 years (36,3% of the Toulouse sample) under-are slightly represented compared to the working population national (43%). On the other hand the group of the 40-60 (56,2% of the sample « Toulouse ») on-would be represented in comparison with the whole of Pa main road (49,9%). In order to give an account of this observation, it is possible to call upon, like does it Thomas Marty, the concept of troop which is defined as « the whole of the individuals [who] meet at the same time a given event »^390(*). We will prefer the term to him of « generation » which raises more than one historical approach that demographic. This step has the merit to stress the influence of an event on a given age group^391(*).

2.1.2.2 A generation 68 ?

Among the principal events structuring the French political life, May 68 seems particularly relevant to include/understand engagement within Attac. Several analogies seem to testify to a proximity between the two « events ». First of all, as recalled by Jean-Pierre Goff, May 68 were before all the work of the middle class^392(*). However as one already noted, the middle class also profit from a strong representation within the associati&on. In addition, in Attac, the reference to the topic of the Utopia seems to return to May 68^393(*). Thus, certain slogans of Attac close to those of May 68^394(*) testifies to one « philosophy » similar. Lastly, following May 68, the current of the political ecology developed with which Attac seems to have several common points^395(*). Thomas Marty noticed besides that many militants of the Toulouse committee are declared near to political ecology^396(*).

It would seem that certain correspondences exist between Attac and May 68. Can one conclude from it in so far as engagement within Attac is related to the participation in May 68 ? According to the study of Thomas Marty, it is possible to note the presence of many « soixante-huitards » among the militants of the Toulouse committee. 39,4% of the questioned people state y to have taken part^397(*). Moreover, among the people having attended the events of May 68, 72,5% state y to have taken part in way « active ». However, beyond this générationnelle correspondence, it is possible to deduce from it a bond from cause for purpose between engagement within Attac and the participation in May 68 ?

For that, it is possible to analyze the representations that inquired have May 68. Among the five inquired which has « lived » May 68, four took part directly in the events^398(*). For Luc and Julie, May 68 seems to have represented a rather important event. Julie qualifies May 68 of « alarm clock » which brought it to « to go down in the street ». This event had besides several repercussions in the life of Julie, since upon May 68 Julie followed the choice to militate in committees of districts and one « organization progressist » catholic. In addition, the questioning of the traditional educational modes encouraged to register his/her children in schools « alternatives » founded on the method « Freinet »^399(*). One can in addition note that the representation of May 68 of Julie seems to agree with her engagement to Attac. Indeed, it evokes about the FRIEND one « catch » which led it to militate^400(*). May 68 also seems to represent an important event for Luc. Its participation in May 68 primarily was at the level of its company. It acted, according to him, of a reflection on the reorganization of work and the place of paid in the company. Lastly, Luc evokes with nostalgia one « humanistic respect » which existed then within the companies. On the other hand, it would seem that May 68 did not represent something of fundamental for Fabien. It qualifies this event of « oxygen puff ». Besides it adopts a rather critical position with respect to the demonstrators. However, it appears that this representation coincides with that of its engagement within Attac. Fabien defines its adhesion as one « sympathy » for the association which also gets one to him « oxygen puff ». Perhaps this similarity of the terms employed by Fabien to qualify on the one hand its participation in May 68 and on the other hand its adhesion with Attac translates the existence of a bond between the two facts. It is probable that there is a relation between the engagement of surveyed and their participation in May 68. However, it is difficult to evaluate its importance. A broader sample would make it possible to precisely analyze the nature of this report/ratio.

Julie : I took part in May 68, finally say that May 68 was... I had already three children and I awoke by telling me the world should not move without me I am descended in the street. May 68 surely had an important impact on what we were, I say well what we were my husband and me and our children since we put them at the new school, i.e. all that were the great ideas in May 68. It was a little bit particular education and it gave to the style of the day all that was Freinet... With so-called a very important taking into account of the personality of each child. At the same time there were efforts but this says our children made the primary education and after they were found in the very traditional secondary and that was very hard, and it is for that that I say bus supposedly as there was no continuity in the secondary, there was a rather strong confrontation with a very open pedagogy and then all that is traditional. That very difficult summer. Then for May 68 one expressed, my husband and me one was very left fascinating and that to lead us to militate... Finally to militate, it is much to say, one belonged to groups of districts and then we were Christian catholic militants and that led us to militate in certain organizations progressists and that led us to break completely with the church and now we are without religion, atheists [...] I had the impression that the world moved without me and that it was unbearable! There was something of phenomenal which occurred and I was not going to miss that!

Luc : Me in 1968, I made strike pickets, without being syndicated. CFDT more or less required of me, insofar as they felt that I was recipient of a certain number of things, I were very well seen in CFDT but I did not adhere, I worked in Paris at Marcel Dassault. There was to be CFDT and CGT. Remain the strike in 1968 and to the end Dassault gave a premium to any world, one did not have to fight for our wages. It gave an additional premium. Because it was one period which was not the period of now. It is one rich period and he did not want to put the trade unions at back. In May 68 one held meetings for saying how one can work, one held meetings with the direction for saying what does not go, how one can improve the things. There was the humanistic respect in the companies at the time, the owners were humanistic owners, which is not the case today [...]

Luc: That represented a frustration not to be able to be expressed, to be feet and fist dependant between the hands of full people who decided the full one with things for us, with which one was not inevitably of agreement and with which one could not discuss.

Fabien: In 1968 I was in Grenoble and of the events of May 68 were much more interesting at the Political Institute of Studies, than in the economic science or Faculty of Law. I looked at where that appeared to me most interesting and I came to follow that here [the Political Institute of Studies of Grenoble]. I took part in a demonstration [...] At the beginning I favoured rather certain number of things, because one nevertheless had a need for a little oxygen. And then then I found that that took a little languid proportions. I remained on the level of the troops, of the infantrymen whom one could not immediately send either to any combat. I had to take part in two demonstrations [...] There was a small aspect psychodramatic which aggravated me, but on another side I found that was not badly to try to call into question a certain number of things and torpor. From this point of view, it was a movement which was to me relatively sympathetic nerve [...] The slogans were much more eccentric than those of Attac [...] Me I took that like an oxygen puff, that be a movement of hope. One believed during one moment, that one could revolt against a certain mediocrity. One is surrounded always a little by mediocrity. You do not have this impression, from time to time? You do not have the impression to choke sometimes? [...] That was the occasion to express... I would not say a certain dissatisfaction but rather to say that one exists [...] There was a pleasure not unhealthy but a little bit mischievous. Pleasure of realizing that one could make move the established order. I remember there were some who said «the trembling middle-class ! «, there were some who liked to make fear. There are people who were afraid. There was a feeling of fear, and the young people insofar as they felt that they propagated a certain movement of fear, there was a certain ludic aspect [...] Après in all the spheres where there was dissatisfaction, people expressed themselves [...] It was a little the fashion to be dissatisfied. Whereas before it more or less was supported. It became normal to express its dissatisfaction. I saw all that like a manner of expressing itself.

F.E : And why to have decided to adhere to Attac after so many years militant «sleep»?

Fabien: For me, that was an oxygen puff! There is nevertheless a rather strong single thought, even in economy. Even if it is less strong than a few years ago. There is also a certain fatalism. And with Attac, I found something of a little refreshing and then also, because as you said a few moments ago, another world is possible. In any case, another vision of the world, another design of the world is possible. One should not exaggerate, it is not to say that one will change the life, and even less the man. But to free very small little a certain form from economic tyranny.

F.E : It is strange, in connection with May 68, you used the same expression that in connection with Attac, you spoke about an oxygen puff...

Fabien : [...] What I call puffed out of oxygen, they are certain ways of thinking which are a little new. Something of a little innovating on the level of the thought, this dispute appeared more reasonable to me, more considered and in conformity with than I think. The Juppe plan I cannot put it in it because I do not agree. But the disputes like that of the Communist Party, it is not something which connects me much. I think that there are many automatisms, much of conditioned reflexes. Of the point of view of Attac, I think that it is a little new. I use the term «oxygenates», when I see something which is with counter-current. With counter-current... I was going to say to the good direction of the term... With counter-current but in a reflected way, not in a épidermique way.

Document 2: Compared générationnelles structures

Table 3: Générationnelles structures compared with the national population as a whole

Age bracket	20/25 years	25/60 years	+ 60 years	Total (%)
Attac sample	6%	76%	17.9 %	100
Attac Nat	16% (18-30 years)	69% (30-60 years)	15%	100
National population	11% (1)	62%	26,9%	100

1 : In order to be able to differentiate the category 20/25 (which mixes them - of 25 years (A) and them - 20 years (b)) we have to use two distinct sources to recut the two age brackets :

The remainder of the data comes exclusively from edition 99 of « Social data ». We withdrew these data information relating to- 20 years. The national population in question thus gets along as exclusively lying between 20 and 60 years and +.

Table 4: Générationnelles structures compared with the working population national

Age bracket	20/25 years	25/40 years	40/50 years	50/60 years	Total
Sample Attac (1)	7.3 %	36,3%	38.2 %	18.2 %	100
Working population national (2)	7%	43%	30,1%	19,8%	100

1 : We withdrew our sample the most 60 years in order to have more coherent data with those of INSEE (cf, note 2). We have thus to recompute the frequencies consequently.

2 : INSEE Results n° 662/663, Series Employment- Returned n°153/July 154, 1999, Employment survey of January 1999 (detailed Results), p. 57. In this nomenclature of the ages of the working population, INSEE includes them + 60 years. However, this category being slightly represented (2,3%), we excluded it in order to obtain a more coherent system of variables. Calculations of proportionalities were carried out consequently.

The sociographic approach was made profitable in order to trace the broad outline of the social determinants which qualify the militants. It highlighted that political engagement answers certain structural social logics. In addition, the study of the générationnelles structures made it possible to include/understand the reasons of a homogeneity between militants, within the committee Attac Isere, and the cut with the group « campus ». However, according to Eric Agrikoliansky, such an approach does not make it possible to explain the reasons of this engagement^401(*). It does not speak of anything logics which make it possible to understand that the militant investments rather take place in such organization than in such other. It does not reveal either the factors which would explain why among the individuals dividing of the common characteristics, some engage whereas others remain inactive. The principal limit of the paradigm holist would be the negation of the individual of which it claims to explain the behavior. The individualistic principle thus seems necessary. The comprehension of the collective behaviors necessarily passes by the taking into account of individual engagement. The methodological individualism^402(*), which consists in refuting the autonomy of the organizations, is not equivalent, according to François Chazel, to a psychological reductionnism^403(*). Consequently, it is not incompatible any more with the structural approaches and holists.

In order not to limit itself to the causes and to be able to make understandable the reasons of the militancy, it is necessary to include/understand the individual springs of them. For that, the speech of the militants can be used as starting point. Martine Barthélémy notices that the words used by the militants are « notations symbolic » which has an impact on engagement^404(*). However, it will be necessary to exceed this presentation of oneself to try to see there what it covers.

2.1.2 The nature of engagement

« Once arrived to this truth, I discover the source of the human virtues easily; I see that, without the sensitivity to the pain and the physical pleasure, the men, without desires without passions, also indifferent to all, had known interest nobody ; that without personal interest, they had not gathered in company, had not made between them conventions; that there had been general interest, consequently not right or unjust actions; and that thus the physical sensitivity and the personal interest were the authors of any justice »

Helvétius, Of the Spirit, Delivers III

2.1.2.1 The reference to the citizenship

The rhetoric of engagement within Attac is, first of all, that of the citizenship. Association arises through its name like a movement turned towards «the assistance at the citizens ». The leaders of association regularly re-use this term within their speeches. It is necessary to relativize the place which grant inquired to this topic. The term of citizenship little frequently appears. However, the repetition of the term is not present equally between the talks^405(*). A criterion of distinction between them would be arbitrary. Among those which generally refer to figure a militant to it « professional » such as Bernard, or a noncommitted person like Laurent. On the other hand, among the representations related to the idea of citizenship, it is possible to distinguish two meanings. Initially, the idea of citizenship is used by inquired, about the economy. They oppose an economy « commercial » with an economy « citizen », described as more human^406(*). But especially inquired refer to the idea of citizenship to qualify their engagement. For example, Laurent and Luc indicate by this term a political engagement nonin favor, i.e. which would be apart from the operation of the political parties. Thomas also opposes the political speech to the word citizen. Finally Julie employs the term of citizenship in the idea of D-appropriation.

Inquired exclude from their representation of the citizenship the exercise of the political rights. Thomas is only surveyed to attach the vote to the citizenship. Sophie Duchesne, during an investigation into the representation of the citizenship, could observe that inquired «do very little place to the policy with the institutionalized direction [...] For the majority of the questioned people, all occurs as if political engagement were not an act of citizen, as if the policy were almost illegitimate in the field of the citizenship»^407(*). The citizenship to which referent surveyed would have a specific significance. Martine Barthelemy, qualifies this representation by the term of « associative citizenship » that it distinguishes from « political citizenship »^408(*). While the political citizenship with the direction first of the term would be in crisis, associative citizenship or it « active citizenship » a whole of allotted values would indicate, as we saw, with the associative movement^409(*).

Laurent : Blow while having a kind of will to imply me as a citizen, I never really did it because I do not want to lock up me. And there the movement Attac, it is that with what I returned more in agreement to engage in an action. It is a movement citizen which is carrying a prospect on the company and which has practical claims, it does not seek either to seize the power. It is a movement of influence, it is not a lobby, it is a movement of ideas and influence which is rather broad [...] It is a prospect [the movements citizens] for which I have sympathy, it is a feeling to invest itself in policy without making of the policy to the clean direction [...] The citizenship it is something of policy, Attac it is an engagement of citizen, anybody responsible. To take part in the public thing is to make of the policy. For me also of the policy to the ancient but so modern direction. It is not a political movement with the direction where it does not seek to conquer the capacity but it is nevertheless of the policy, it is a movement which has a political prospect, it is something of certain. It is an implication and a political engagement.

Luc : Because, I think that it is my opinion and it is divided by the members of Grenoble and I am sure, it is that Attac can be only one movement of citizens, I am against the adhesion of the political parties.

Thomas : There is Vallini. One it forever considering coming while saying to us here I would like to speak or while saying, I would like that one puts on the agenda the questions to the French National Assembly. Not need to make speeches but it is enough to behave as a ordinary citizen and that it delivers its information such as he received it.

Julie : For me what interesting it that that is called upon each citizen, I do not think that it is the specific one of Attac and to the level of Attac, there are already phenomena of be able, to keep the capacity. One can give them the right to speak but it is difficult on the level of Attac to play its part of citizen because I believe that it is always difficult for people who are with the head of something to preserve the cold head and to give the place to each one, i.e. it is difficult to hold of the national a certain number of things [...] The place of the individual and the citizen which wants Re-to also adapt also within its own association a form to be able, since it is nevertheless the objective of Attac, réapproprier as a citizen a form of being able [...] that interests me much to see how it evolves/moves and to see what occurs, how it will evolve/move and how each militant who is àAttac and who came Attac, because it was precisely the result of a call to awake the citizen who is of each one of us, how he will manage and how will make live that within the association which claims EC objective [...] This association passed by a particular skew, it tackled the problem of universalization under the aspect of the financial world and the other aspect which me appears paramount it is that it called upon the D-appropriation of the world by the citizen and I think that it is something of important.

Thomas: In 95 I have to vote for Arlette Laguiller and I had abstained from with the second turn. Finally I had voted white, me I always will vote white... I vote... I do not abstain from, I vote... But I vote white. Because it is a gesture citizen to vote white, you move but simply that wants to say that what one can proposes is not satisfied and there is another possibility.

Associative engagement is distinguished from the participation citizen within the meaning of the exercise of the rights and duties conferred on the individual by the political community. The model to which Attacant is attached would not be it not then that of the humane militant, like the Member of a league or the militant or of international Amnesty, of which the action would be deprived of interests. The altruism would be the explanatory principle which governs engament of the militant. Can one, consequently, affirm that Attac, just like ONG humanitarians, would constitute a moral company ?

2.1.2.2 A moral company ?

« That is what makes run the militants ? ». Several authors answered this question by affirming that the militancy would be, above all, one « moral company »^410(*). Caroline Guillot could notice, during a study devoted to the League of the Humans right, that it was the case for the humane militancy^411(*). Stanislas Varennes also accounts for associative engagement, by the presence of a moral requirement^412(*). The militants would be motivated by the defense of a cause to which they would be devoted. What within Attac happenhappens ? One can a priori make credit with the militants of this same moral requirement. The engagement of the members seems to be located at further from their personal concerns. The fight counters the economic inequalities, the claim of the full employment, the fight against the ecological disasters related to the financial interests, the refusal of a marchandisation of education; all these claims seem to express the same moral requirement. The claim of the cancellation of the debt of the Third World countries is emblematic of moral size, if it is not humane, on which is founded association^413(*).

However in the analysis of the speeches of surveyed, the vocabulary related to « the humanitarian » very seldom appears. Little of inquired evokes, in the reasons for their engagement, an altruistic goal. François and Thomas are both to refer during maintenance with certain goals « humanitarians ». The claims carried by Attac would concern according to Thomas « survival of humanity ». He proposes the sincerity and the satisfying of his engagement. However these two inquired are characterized by two common specificities compared to the whole of the people interviewed. First of all, they are two professional militants who already adhered to the LCR^414(*). But especially, Thomas and François have specific biographical courses which led them to face strong economic and social inequalities. Thomas is of Italian origin. His parents resulting from a popular medium, his/her father was a tapestry maker painter and his/her mother housewife, has immigrant in France in 1959. Thomas continued technical studies in the course of is until 1978, date on which it was engaged with the Nerpick factory where it still currently works. François is Iranian, it has immigrant in France with his parents in 1984. François did not know misery personally since his/her father was a professor. However, it evokes the memory of a shantytown which was next to its dwelling. These two inquired were confronted with a more difficult condition social, they are consequently more sensitive to the problems of exclusion or poverty, which could explain their speech « humanitarian ».

Isabelle also considers that her engagement with Attac raise of the humanitarian. According to it, the claim of the cancellation of the debt of the poor countries indicates that association takes part in the humane field. However, Lionel does not have the same perception of its engagement. Its support for this claim does not testify, according to him, of one « altruism » and it does not concern one « moral dimension ». It explains why it acts before very for him fighting against « surrounding hypocrisy », that it allots, according to us, with the political leaders but also with the whole of the company. The others inquired do not evoke about their engagement the cancellation of the debt. One can suppose that this claim on their premises does not meet a very great echo. This assumption would be confirmed by the study undertaken by Thomas Marty on the Toulouse militants since among « priority topics of reflection of Attac », it « cancellation of the debt of the poor countries » appears only in ninth position (5,8%)^415(*).

How to give an account of this disproportion between the importance which attaches the national direction^416(*) to this claim and the weak role that it occupies on the level of the members ? One can wonder, like it makes Stanislas Varennes about the humanistic speech of the militants^417(*), if the militants adhered to association because it defended this claim or if they integrated this idea after having adhered to Attac ? One can suppose that if this idea is defended by association, it is above all by a will of the leaders to register it like a priority of the movement. By supporting the cancellation of the debt, as of the creation of Attac, the founders perhaps wished to widen the range of association. Snow highlighted the processes by which an organization develops a mobilizing ideology. According to him, an organization can seek to extend its supports while incorporating for its claims of the topics which it then endeavors ideologically to connect to its initial concern^418(*). The fastening of the cancellation of the debt to the initial claim of Attac (the fight against the financial markets) would have made it possible to produce new sympathies with respect to association. Adhesion with Attac would thus concern perhaps only slightly a moral engagement. This conclusion thus brings to wonder about the nature of the claims defended by the militants. The claims can they be identified with the promotion of certain values, in the continuation of the new social movements or, contrary, summarize they with the defense of a whole of material and catégoriels interests ?

François : I started with the social inequalities by these two reasons, nevertheless, strong. I.e. to help of people of humanity, of the world, which is different, but really other of what one saw with the daily newspaper. And I think that I have found that in my engagement for ten years, it is a discussion thread [...] Beside on our premises, there was a waste ground and these grounds were transformed into shantytown and it is my first experiment with the social inequalities... My first strong meeting and progressively these things have flashes back later... Towards my quinze-seize years, that started to titillate me a little nevertheless... Not, indeed... They are strong images... To have to play foot with children who do not even have shoes and to crush the feet to them. That starts like that... To have a neighbor who fills the swimming pool and that of at side which does not have drinking water... It is that, the shantytown beside a residential district. Thus that, that marks.

Thomas : There are heaps of people whom it is necessary... if Attac manage well... It is necessary that these people-there position compared to all these topics there and after the political ground will be clarified compared to all these questions which are questions about the survival of humanity. One cannot today joke with the GMO, joke with the reheating of planet, joke with the debt of the Third World and so on... It is... It is really about the survival of the humanity or part of humanity [...] Me my combat it is elsewhere, I do not have anything with foutre of it to become famous inside Attac. I sincere and all that, that A was completely désarçonnés because they dealt with whatever one which was completely... I was not to say altruistic, one should not talk cock... But which makes it to advance the things, which is so that humanity tomorrow can see drinking water, to breathe of the respirable air, to look after itself and so on. Me it is for that, I do what I have to do.

Isabelle : There is the humane field which interested me a little bit, I made specific actions but I did not adhere on the long term. I have make a training course with International Handicap, I was a little in it, that allowed me to see how that functioned. But I am not very committed yet. Attac that appeared a good balance between all to me that can exist, because that touches at the same time with the economic field and at the same time with the humane field, because despite everything the goal also at the beginning was to cancel the debt of the poor countries.

Lionel : There are associations which I could find interesting like Amnesty International or the League of the Humans right but never that would not have come to me to the idea to adhere to it. There is a humanistic and sentimental aspect which is relatively foreign for me. The human suffering of course can move me but the human suffering only will not lead me to militate because I think that it will be always there. One can denounce it and it is important [...] For me if I do that I cannot speak about altruism, indeed it there with the debt of the Third World which I discovered in Attac. It is the aspect of the justice and the social hypocrisy which cause a revolt, i.e. the fact of holding another type of speech that the official speech, another glance. This glance can be regarded as altruist, for me it does not have there of a moral size. It is a question of saying the things closest to what I can perceive, in any case to try to get rid of a surrounding hypocrisy which me insupporte. Yes I think that it is the hypocrisy especially against which I fight.

2.1.2.3 Values post-materialists with the catégoriels interests

The new social movements, according to Alain Touraine, would be cultural movements. Thus, the stake of the social conflict would not be from now on more in the claim of tangible properties^419(*). This assumption approaches the positions formulated in 1977 by Ronald Inglehart, specialist in the analysis of the cultural changes and the values, in The silent Revolution^420(*). Inglehart shows that once its satisfied immediate material needs, the man turns his preferences towards nonmaterial needs of intellectual or esthetic nature, named values post-materialists^421(*). This evolution of the values, would in addition be reinforced by the modification of the conditions of existence (rise of, the development educational level of the communication of mass, absence of war in the Western world since more than thirty years, passage of a company of class to a complex stratification, etc). It would result from it a request increased from participation in the decision-making processes, a modification of the stakes « who come more differences between the life styles than of economic needs »^422(*) and finally a refusal of the traditional mediations with the capacity (political trade unions and parties). An empirical analysis enabled him into 1999 to confirm its thesis of a axiologic evolution^423(*). It observes, first of all, a passage of the traditional values related to the religion with the rational-legal and secular values. Then, it shows a second passage of the values of shortage and need to the values of car-realization, of expression and wellbeing.

The idea of a modification of the values gives an account of several phenomena in the engagement of surveyed. The valorization of the associative participation and the devalorization of the traditional forms of engagement would be explained, according to the theory of Inglehart, by the increase in population holding a political competence^424(*). What for the claims happenhappens defended by the militants?

Inquired present their engagement like the defense of certain values. Their adhesion corresponds, as Francois, explains it to a refusal of the economic liberalism. The defense of a more human economy is opposed to the liberal logic which would rest only on the accumulation of richnesses and the research of the profit. This « new economy » a reinforcement of the role would require which is granted to the service public. Cecile affirms besides that « We as Attac, we defend the public utility ! «. Inquired legitimate this public promotion of the service by the attachment with certain values such as solidarity. This report is in agreement with the assumption of Inglehart, according to which the values post-materialists would have become paramount. However, it is a question of distinguishing it « phraseology » of the militants, to paraphrase Marx^425(*), their interests true. Can one account for the engagement of surveyed by their only axiologic preferences ?

The defense of the public utility represents the valorization of certain values. However it can be justified by the defense of material interests. The public utility, it is before a whole whole of material services which are provided to the individuals. The character catégoriel of engagement within Attac must then be underlined. The on-representation of paid public office, and in particular of the teaching body, the bond between the conflicts of 1995 and the creation of Attac can let suppose that the claims supported by the militants are connected with interests of social groups. The reference to the values would be, consequently, only one rhetoric making it possible to legitimate the defense of catégoriels interests. This assumption remains fragile. On the other hand, it is probable that the engagement of surveyed either related to a whole of material claims. For example, the participation of association in the conflicts of company, the claim in favor of the income of existence express the persistence of social conflicts determined by the search for tangible properties. The paradigm of the post-materialism is not enough to give an account of that.

François : It is necessary to replace the images and to see what that implies, and one realizes that it is rather serious what one imposes to us and who where one wants to carry out us, it is a regression of civilization, one could say. What people call liberalism, ultraliberalism, all these terms which want to say about the same thing. Good, I think that it would be necessary to be little more rigorous than that, but I think that it is the current face of the capitalism, it is the same system which functions like that today and it is its form since the Seventies, therefore... Here, it is... It is, this company there which one wants to impose to us.

Cecile : One arrives at all the problems of the negotiation with the World Organization of the Trade which aims at the complete liberalization of all that can be sold and in particular services and the services it is education, it is health, it is water and it is already well started, electricity and it is already well privatisé and that is not yet completely done and thus one has the impression to be in a public utility and soon there will be no more public utility, i.e. the access of all to vital services [...] We as Attac, we defend the public utility. There are public services which require to be reformed but it is this concept that is with minima to give to all the accesses to essential services and that its life is not question that it is privatisé.

Laurent : And I think that Attac is from this point of view of recasting, but it should not be heard within the meaning of a revolution [...] It is an at the same time economic recasting and political bus [...] it seems to me that there is a strong opposition in this moment between the traditional liberal prospect and the European or social democrat prospect, they clash [...] I think that the public services are very attacked and at the same time they need to be defended but they need also to be refondé, one tends to say that a liberalized function is more effective and that it is a prospect typically for right-hand side. It was a speech very dominating. It is this logic which governed the definition of the rules of the economy which exist this moment, and Europe was often put in minority compared to the institutions like OMC. It seems to to me that European perception, that it is not dominant, it is minority. And even in the European countries had been called into question and the State moved back, it is not inevitably an evil. I think that Attac it is from this point of view that they advance, counters the Anglo-Saxon prospect. The liberal logic which do not want constraints and all that is imposition are refused. Bush refused the environmental constraints which aimed at reinforcing the control of the State. There are lines of fracture, capitalism against Communism, before it was Fascism against the democracy and in this moment it is that which is on the agenda [...] There are long-term investments which must be made and there are only the State and the public structures which can do it [...] The majority of the claims that Attac defends that register from this point of view of more than regulation, more State I am not sure, I do not know enough but it seems to to me that to assert a tax on the capital that goes in the direction of more than public intervention. Even those which are in a left ultra speech are for the public intervention. Thus overall it is a movement which goes in this direction, towards more public intervention [...] It seems to to me that the logic of funds which is upstream of the Tobin tax it is the prospect for the public utility and the regulation of the markets. An always liberal economy and always capitalist but with a social democrat option. It is more than one unit of claims it is also a prospect which goes in the direction of more than public intervention and after that necessarily passes by the very pragmatic and very concrete reforms.

Humane militancy « free » with the defense of catégoriels interests, the range of the reasons for engagement is vast. It is important to recall that it is impossible to include/understand the participation of Attacants only from one of these two models; logics which govern their engagements locate in an interval. However, the description of material interests leads us to wonder about the concrete gratifications which receive Attacants in return of their militance. Which are these remunerations which would justify, partly, the participation and the engagement of the militants ?

2.1.3 Remunerations of the militancy

The nature of engagement is complex because it is composed of several elements. The comprehension of engagement passes by a whole of references which are shared by the majority of the militants (the idea of citizenship, values of solidarity, equity). However, one cannot reduce engagement to his rhetoric. The motivations of engagement are more primarily in the benefit than the militants expect some. Material interests rise directly from the satisfaction of the claims. However, those Ci do not account for the distinction between the members and the militants.

This problem was formulated in 1966 by Mancur Olson. That Ci, on the basis of the postulate of the rationality of the actor, highlighted the logical obstacles at the collective action^426(*). While the collective action presupposes the participation of a maximum of individuals, it is in the interest of each individual not to join that Ci and to adopt the strategy of the free to wrinkle (« the free ticket »), i.e. to count on the action of the other members of the group to profit from the collective repercussions. Consequently one cannot confuse « individual rationality and collective rationality »^427(*). Better still, individual rationalities seem to go against collective rationality. Olson adds however that there are selective, positive incentives (rewards) or negative (sanctions), to the action. Daniel Gaxie, from the same point of view, highlighted the presence of remunerations (material, intellectual, symbolic systems) which are the only ones has to be able to account for the militancy^428(*). « He is doubtful, according to Daniel Gaxie, that the partisane activity is explained only by the will to defend a cause or more exactly, that this will is enough to support it, without the militancy not providing at the same time gratifications to those which are devoted to it »^429(*). Gaxie proposes the concept of « benefit not-collectives » which would be specific to the individual. On the ideological values certain remunerations would be superimposed^430(*). However, if inquired propose these « causes », it is because they « can acknowledg itself, nor to acknowledg the remunerations which they withdraw from their participation in the life of the organization »^431(*). Which benefit the militants withdraw of their participation ?

2.1.3.1 A formation directed towards the action

Initially, inquired affirm to await from their militancy a intellectual formation. One can attach this expectancy to the popular role of education that Attac wishes to occupy. The militants state to want to acquire within association an economic culture which, as recalled by Lionel, is often lacking to them. For example, Isabelle explains that what justified its engagement, it is above all, the desire to better include/understand the financial mechanisms. François awaited from his militancy an economic formation. It did not wish to learn from the abstract theories like those of Marx but from the concrete economic arguments. The militants thus seem to be petitioning of a reflection and an economic formation which is turned towards the action.

However, the search for a framework of reflection and action is not enough to account for the investment that some inquired grant to their militancy^432(*). Which remunerations wait of their implication ?

Lionel : I think that it [popular education] is turned towards two groups. First of all towards we because we need a formation such as for example in economy. Very few people in association have an economic formation.

François : And the fact of being with Attac that precisely gives me arguments, because often the militants of the PS oppose arguments, economic realism to us, great theories and Attac, what is interesting it is that that forms compared to that, not with the theory Marxist because I could recite the Capital very well, the theory of the appreciation but they are foutent some, they will treat me of utopian, not! While setting out again on clear bases and while setting out again on mechanisms of the economy today compared to the Tobin tax for example and to show that it is possible and their statement which there if there is not political good-will it to them is something of desired of their share, it is the political good-will which will make that the Tobin tax will settle they are not the mechanisms.

Isabelle : For me, it is above all to make meetings on topics so that people speak, say what they have desire for saying, can be listened and then learn from the things, quite simply! Because there is certain which has knowledge, for example there are several students in biology in Attac campus and they are more suited, from the biological point of view, to speak to us about the genetically modified Organizations, those which know more the political aspect can also speak to us about it... And then like that, one can be held informed and discuss ideas. It is sure that me, I await more that and I think that Attac it is more that [...] They [people] wait [...] to better include/understand how that functions. Attac that leaves a little that at the beginning, one is in a system of market and how réapproprier can, how that functions. Réapproprier a little these economic movements of capital and the operation of the economy today. It is us to make it possible to better understand, because it is true that one does not realize. Each one saw its small life and beside that, there are enormous sums which pass on one side to the other of the world and there are people who do not realize of the influence that the capital has, same on the States. Mainly it is what justified my adhesion.

2.1.3.2 The personal investment

The personal implication is a process of valorization of the individual. The associative militancy, like highlighted it Eric Agrilolansky, contributes to the regard of oneself^433(*). This phenomenon is more prégnant in the humane militancy in which the individual is erased behind the cause which it defends. This benefit is less visible within Attac. Indeed, the cause in the name of which they justify their engagement is not recognized like legitimate by all the actors of the company. Contrary, the mobilizing ideology of ONG carries out a consensus within the population. Among inquired, the speech of satisfying is rather not very present. On the other hand, Eric Agriloanski also notes that the militant acquires by his investment one « good conscience » towards itself. Several inquired evoke this benefit which it is possible to withdraw from the militancy. However each person interviewed does not use it in connection with oneself but in connection with the others.

Lionel recognizes that there is one « emotional dimension » in the militancy which is expressed by « a will to invest itself to smell itself well ». However, it adds that that does not apply to him. In the same way, Isabelle explains that the personal investment « is a form of deculpabilisation »^434(*). Laurent, on the other hand, estimates, after having explained that the investment meets a personal need, that its engagement obeys the same logic. Moreover, it puts in comparison its engagement within Attac with the contribution which it makes to a reception center for SDF. It describes the culpability which it tests vis-a-vis the misery of those that it meets. The fact of bringing its support enables him to return « more acceptable » this misery. It explains why its participation in Attac raises, inter alia, of the same reasoning. As a militant in Attac, Laurent estimates that it contributes so that « people live better », one can then suppose that its engagement returns « more acceptable » the economic inequalities against which it fights.

The personal investment thus makes it possible to develop the individual by the image that it gets to him and that it diffuses outside association. However, of the processes of valorization also exist within association. Daniel Gaxie noticed for example that the existence of a hierarchy within the political parties constituted one « remuneration symbolic system » of the militant investment^435(*). There does not exist within Attac a hierarchy as developed as in the organizations partisanes. However, other processes of valorization of the person are present. For example, Julie evokes the very great quality of listening to which the militants during meetings testify. It is not rare that an individual having prepared a working paper is congratulated by the unit on the militants^436(*). The public speeches at the time of the actions held by association are as many occasions to be recognized and developed^437(*). These internal processes highlight the fact that associations are above all of the places of sociability to which to share the militants take.

Lionel : But that it is in all associations or there is an emotional dimension, there are many people who militate because that fills also their existence, it is not all the time for intellectual dimension, it is also for emotional dimension. It is always of emotional but sometimes it is more one will to invest itself to smell itself well. Me I cannot say that. I understand that I find that interesting because it is the social life !

Isabelle : To invest itself, it is of course something of good, but I do not think that it is essential. It is essential, if the person has the need for it, then why not? It is a very personal step. I think that it relative to is lived of the person. I do not think that it is necessary to be satisfied with a intellectual engagement, but it is already not badly ! It is well to invest itself. A intellectual engagement, it is also a first step... After I say also people who have the time and which needs they do it, they are invested. After when one is student, it is the true that one has also other things to live, simply fact of adhering... I think that it is a first step. There is, it is something which brings to them personally in terms of wellbeing, in terms also of deculpabilisation, with respect to the external events, it is a form of deculpabilisation.

Laurent : But in any event I believe that people who invest themselves do not put the question of the utility, I think that the spring of the implication in a movement as that they are more interior they concern the personality and the fact of effectiveness I do not believe that it is a true reality which that is to say presents on their premises, it does not seem to me. If people they invest themselves it is that they need to do it, and that it is effective or not they do it. Perhaps that some say that it is effective but at the bottom of it is not what is essential to them, be before a whole individual engagement. Me I believe that people they justify themselves and it is rather them which take something and which have a satisfaction. It is like the fact of the gift at the Abbot Pierre or mother Teresa, it is a clean satisfaction and they even and it is for that they do it, they make it because they find something there. And springs of political engagement on the level like mien, not as others which perhaps have career-advancement opportunities, but for the grass-roots militants, it is not a question of career and perhaps that the springs of the investment are not on the level of the effectiveness but just the need to engage [...]I am sure in sociology the profile of the militants had to be studied and that they is people who open out through the fact of involving others and Thomas it is true that it is whatever one which is well for that because it is involving [...] And then I am pleased to invest me [...] Let us say, I think that one is carried out as one acts as anybody and as an individual. One is carried out in the action and the fact of investing that brings a satisfaction to me.

Laurent : The misery of the others that obstructs me much [...] because when I meet a SDF in the street that returns to me sick. I intervene at Water Point, it is a reception center for the SDF, one proposes services of immediacy, i.e. showers, people can leave the luggage and can take there businesses, one proposes to them the telephone, the washing machine and a service of small infirmary and orientation. The team that I meet over there is not to help them because I think that I of it am not able, which I do what I try to meet them because it is a reality which is so distant from savors that one can know. And there it is similar, it is as for the poor in Africa, that disturbs me much. Me that brings something to me... That enables me to be less sick when I see a SDF bus for me it are not more from abroad, I recognize them as individuals. The fact of crossing them on a precise place where there are a concrete reality and an action, it is a very pragmatic help but beyond that I cannot help them [...] They do not leave there and it is not me which will help them to leave there, I have a very precise help on them, that enables them to be presentable. But they are nevertheless in the shit [...] This misery it obstructs me also much. You see when I said that when one adheres there are interior springs, it is beyond the idea even, it is the need to imply itself so that it is acceptable. Because if ever I do not imply myself, in extreme cases, I cannot look myself in an ice. That disturbs me and I feel responsible. I think that that returns in account in my adhesion in Attac because the ultimate goal is to make so that people live better and that one finds a system more effective.

Julie : It is perhaps completely utopian but I think that the advantage of Attac it is that it is something which begins and which is built from day to day with sympathetic things super, a quality for example on the level of Attac Isere in the working groups, a quality of listening which I find very impressive, a recognition...

2.1.3.3 The inscription in a network of sociability

The constitution of human groupings, as recalled by George Simmel, is explained by a community of interests, on the other hand the individuals withdraw from it a benefit by the socialization from which they profit^438(*). This remuneration is all the more important as the interests of the militants are less. The political parties, where the mobilizations are carried out mainly in favor of a minority of professionals, always constituted besides of the important executives of sociability^439(*). The political clubs, as Loïc Blondiaux notes it, exerted this role at the beginning of the 20th century. They constituted places of « organized sociabilities » where the meeting constituted a value in oneself.^440(*) However, the political parties fulfill this function in a less way since the beginning of the Eighties^441(*). Associations thus replaced them.

The local committee isérois constitutes, like any human grouping, a framework of sociability. For Laurent, the possibility of meeting new people took part in her engagement. It sees the exchanges which it maintains with the other militants like enriching experiments. It evokes, for example, the day of May 1 during which the militants of Attac had held a stand. Environment had appeared convivial to him, which justified it in its engagement^442(*). The same phenomenon also takes place in the group « campus ». Isabelle recognizes that many young people attend the meetings in order to make knowledge with other students.

However this sociability is not only « spontaneous ». She is also held at the time of demonstrations organized by the committee. For example, one weekend « of popular education » place at the Blue Hour in September 2000 had had. In addition to the conferences, of the moments of user-friendliness had been organized, such as a meal or of the stage performances and musical. The refreshment bar had also been the place of many discussions. This demonstration, as Lionel explains it, was an unhoped-for success near the militants who decided to renew the event in 2001. In the same way, at the time of the Plenary assembly which will take place the 6octobre 2001, the turnover decided to organize one evening in mountain (Gresses in Vercors, Isere). These moments of user-friendliness are also carried out during the militant mobilizations. It was the case for example, like describes it Lionel, at the time of the Summit of Geneva in June 2000. The mobilizations of Nice or Genoa also made it possible to the militants to share certain common experiments. Each one of these events, even most negligible, takes part in the development of a common associative memory. That Ci constitutes the base of the future mobilizations. Like notes it Daniel Gaxie, the participation in association believes with the feeling of integration in the militant grouping. Contrary exclusion to this network of sociability allows to account for the withdrawal of association. The defection would correspond then to a lack of gratifications symbolic systems.

Laurent : It is not the effectiveness which one takes into account but it is the need to try to diffuse its perception and design, and then there is the pleasure of the meeting of the dialog, user-friendliness, sociability and all that makes that in a movement people find themselves [...] The militancy it is really of the fun, me when I go there that amuses me much, it is funny. Me I have a very romantic prospect because I never saw that and I do not know and I discover and it is very funny to see these people who organize themselves, when leaflets were made, one was ten. It was very convivial, it was sympathetic nerve. That laughs, that known as of the jokes. When cakes were sold, it was funny also [...] I meet people who are interesting and whom I would not have to meet elsewhere. Thus already it is the fact of the meeting. There are always an enrichment and an exchange. It is that which I like. And when that does not bring anything any more to me, I would leave [...]I like that to cross people, to discuss with them, there is an environment as opposed to what one could think much less centered on Attac and for the moment I like that in terms of human reports/ratios.

Isabelle : And the fact that there is an antenna campus, that makes it possible to be gravitational for other young people. Because there are some who come for the ideas and then there are some who are there to meet people, as in any movement, to meet different people, who make other studies... It is always interesting!

Lionel : Yes, it was one moment of very successful user-friendliness! During two not-stop days that turned to full mode with songs, theater, a barrel organ in order to express our dispute on another register. There was a meal the evening also which was organized. As much from people often do not come to association, it is one very cordial moment and very federator. Moreover they decided to organize another in 2001 of them whereas it was not envisaged at the beginning [...] I went last June to Geneva, it was at the time of the social forum of the world Organization of the trade after Seattle. Every ten years ago of them. That lasted one day and it was not too far. There are two buses which had been rented with the country Confederation and other associations. I had found that it is sympathetic nerve, there was even which had brought the wine and sausage. That had touched me much !

The committee Attac Isere would thus testify to an important internal sociability. However this report seems to go contrary to the evolution of the relationship between the private life and the militant life which Jacques Ion observes^443(*). « us » to which the militants refer and who constitute their identity would be weakened more and more following the changes of method of the associative participation. The autonomisation of the individual would involve the redefinition of engagement. The Community membership of association would tend to be reduced while engagement would be more and more « distancié »^444(*). The observations made by Jacques Ion give an account of several characteristics of the local committee. First of all, the valorization of the individual, concomitant of the weakening of « us » a valorization of the resources (authorized capital, professional) personal implies. One can observe that within the committee competences of each militant are made profitable^445(*). For example, Alda, which are a professor of economy takes care of the training of the militants, Odette, which is an accountant, manage the treasury of association. Lastly, Christelle who is semi-professional of theater is occupied of animations of the Blue Hour. The relations of each individual are also made profitable for the hiring of room or the pulling of leaflets. Moreover, the majority of surveyed (Fabien, Julie, Laurent, Lionel, Isabelle) are in a distancié engagement thanks to which they preserve their liberty of action. For example, it would seem that Lionel refuses to be implied in its engagement in order to be able to release itself some when it wishes it. Whereas mode of engagement within committee seems to correspond to assumptions of Jacques Ion (a valorization of the individual which adopts a distancié engagement), it « us » remains a strong entity in association. How to explain this paradox ?

Jacques Ion explains that the presence of one « us » strongly structured within an association in which engagement appears more flexible and less constraining the resurgence translates of « identity niches »^446(*). These niches are small groupings equipped with a strong cohesion where part of the members try to perpetuate a traditional operation. The militants would preserve a sociability there interns strong (one « us private ») from which would be excluded the the least implied members. It would seem, that such a grouping exists within the committee isérois. A small number of militants would form one « identity niche »^447(*). These militants maintain the personal relations which exceed the framework of association. Moreover, they occupy the main part of the functions of representation and direction within the committee. Lastly, they present strong générationnelles similarities. This « us private » excluded obviously the remainder from the members of the committee. That explains, according to the idea of Daniel Gaxie, the defection of certain members. The participation in the committee is made all the more difficult for those located outside the grouping^448(*). For example, Cécile explains that it difficult to militate within the committee without taking part in one of the ' think tanks '.

Lionel : I am careful in my engagement. Before there were four essential groups, a group on the economic questions, a group of interpellation of the elected officials, a group of animation of the activities and a group of information and diffusion. Even the economy group was often directed towards the action. It is true that now, it is more tempting the way in which it is organized. That does not require an implication of me on the long term. To belong to a group that wanted to say to have to take part at least during a year. Because for me engagement it is a risk and if me I engage it is something of important. It is for that which I give only what I feel to be able to give [...] We speak little about our personal or professional life between us. Very little. With share with some people with long. But it is not what gathers us, what gathers us is completely other thing and thus it is not necessary to wonder that [...] I know little people and I do not attend them apart from the meetings. There are sometimes pots which are organized after the meetings but I do not remain a long time and I often eclipse, once the job is finished... But there are some who are seen apart from the meetings. I do not leave opportunities to that and if it were proposed to me, I would say not!

Lionel : There are those which know each other better, those which belong to the group, for example in the economy group from time to time they meet at one or the other. Thus there is a more personal knowledge.

Cecile : It is very difficult to militate when you are not affiliated with a group or that you do not have a means of having a a little regular activity, it is very difficult to be simple member, to come to the meetings and to manage to make concrete things. In the meetings, there are enormously people, then the discussions in depth cannot take place and the activity is undertaken by the members of the A.C. and people who are in the groups (example: the information group, the economy group). The groups are integrated into the activity of Attac.

The comprehension of the engagement of the militants isérois is complex. On the one hand, it is connected upon a traditional engagement whose forms are known (a on-representation of the middle class and employees of the public office, a strong générationnelle homogeneity, the defense of material and catégoriels interests and finally a strong internal sociability). In addition, it presents many common points with the social movements which took place recently (reference to the citizenship, defense of values post-materialists, valorization of the individuals within engagement). The engagement of the militants of Attac Isere thus seems to be between two ages. This contradiction appears all the more strong at the militants (they reproduce for example processes of organization which raise of the old trade-union structures and policies) that at the members. Must one conclude from it in so far as the militancy within the committee isérois concerns the past ? With which militancy the forms of mobilization are attached which are with work within Attac ?

2.2 A militancy « by bottom » ?

« To inform, form, act, build with Attac »^449(*) : this slogan translates the will of the leaders to locate the action of association at several levels. First of all, it is a question of facilitating the information of nonthe members and of allowing the intellectual training of the militants. It is what Attac indicates by the term of « popular work of education »^450(*). In addition, the second aspect is the militant action itself, i.e. the whole of the collective mobilizations. The leaders establish between these two poles, the reflection and the action, a logical directing wire by defining Attac as one « popular movement of education turned towards the action ». The figure of the militant and that of the intellectual would be thus reconciled. Better, the distinction between the head and the arms would have ceased being. The militancy would be carried out from now on « by bottom ».

2.2.1 The popular work of education

2.2.1.1 To inform and include/understand

2.2.1.1.1 Economic information

Popular education first of all consist in informing the public on the claims carried by association. This diffusion was facilitated by the publication of many economic popularizing works. These books are published in a collection small size (Thousand and One Nights) and their number of page remains weak (between 100 and 150 pages). Each book is devoted to a topic what allows the multiplication of the works (presentation of association, Taxe Tobin, tax havens, OMC, the place of the multinationals, full employment). The sales of these works are considerable what carries some to perceive the anti-mondialiste dispute like a potential market^451(*).

Information is also relayed in each city by the local committees. For example, the committee isérois organizes sometimes diffusions of leaflets in the center town of Grenoble or at the time of various events^452(*). The distributions of leaflets are however rather rare^453(*). François specifies besides that the number of interventions seems to him insufficient. The turnover decided besides to organize, on the proposal of Francois, a diffusion each month starting from the re-entry 2001. The distribution of leaflets represents before very for association a means of attracting new members. This role of publicisation determines the choice of the topics of information. While the first leaflets related primarily to the Tobin tax, which represented the standard of association, the leaders grant from now on a dominating place to the subjects of « topicality ». For example, the GMO or the boycott of Danone represented as many advisabilities in order to promote association. Thus people associate, according to Thomas, less and less Attac with the Tobin tax. On the other hand, the committee carries out relatively little information on the cancellation of the debt. Thomas explains that it is about a delicate subject because people are not very receptive there.

The purpose of this information is not of course only to inform but of « to educate » public, i.e. « to raise, train somebody »^454(*). Association would have to play a part of « conscientisation citizen » which aims at making become aware of the influence of finance. Certain militants estimate however that this design is dangerous because it leads to reproduce a distinction between « high » (members) and it « low » (nonmembers)^455(*).

Thomas : The largest diffusions which one makes it is street Felix Poulat because I always said that it was necessary that one intervenes at least once a month over there. That one is there permanently and that the practice is had that us are seen, to be present. I would like well that that occurs in other cities like that, as in Voiron or Bourgoin because there are local committees over there. Gresivaudan, they do it regularly. I would like that one can intervene more regularly because I think that it is a basic work on popular education that one does not make. Alas, it is not the priority in Attac Isere. It is rather located to follow the international events, which is well! But one could benefit from it to transform that by an intervention around these topics. The street Felix Poulat because it is a place very passer by, in one hour you distribute more than 1000 leaflets Wednesday afternoon if the weather is nice and then there are many youth and much students.

Lionel : In fact people who come, come very little, even at all, for the ideas of Attac. In theory people already think of being informed, it is much more compared to the group of Isere. On the other hand, they know the Tobin tax very little, when they know it it is already that they are quite indicated on Attac. It is much more compared to other problems as compared to the genetically modified Organizations, there was many people which came after the conference organized with Jose Bove and the country confederation. They intend to speak about Attac in the press, the newspapers, television and very little in the leaflets diffused on Isere.

Thomas: Either now, it is not any more the Tobin tax. Because one intervened on heaps of ground, in particular the GMO and thus now. Before yes during the first year it was the Tobin tax. One told them Attac you know? It said « Ah yes ! It is the Tobin tax ». During one year, one year and half that was that and maintaining that changed, from Seattle, from Davos it is really an association anti-universalization.

Thomas: The topics which one tries to inform more it is of course the Tobin tax, the tax havens and international finance, the problem of the retirements also and capitalization and the funds of pension because that touches many people and the problem of the AGCS and OMC and also the problem of the GMO in connection with the country Confederation. Here approximately the four topics, the debt it is a problem which is more difficult and which one can less propose for stories of mentalities, it is always the same problem. It is included/understood the fact that... There is a prejudice compared to the Third World [...] People they include/understand more easily, they more easily take a file which will explain to them than the questioning of the retirements by distribution, that wants to say that tomorrow there are people who will be able to finance their retirement and others which will not be able, rather than saying, it is necessary to cancel the debt of the Third World countries because their first reflex it is of saying «Wait, me when I have a debt I pay it! ». The fact of saying debt they answer «Me I refund my debt» and then they say they to us are all of the feignants... You see what I want to say... They want to live above their means and so on.

2.2.1.1.2 A militant formation

The second aspect of popular education concerns the militants. The objective would be, according to leaders' of association to answer a request of the militants who would be « on standby » of information but also of a formation. That Ci is presented like one « reappropiation » of information^456(*). Thus each militant would be in measurement « even without preliminary knowledge economic and financial, [of] to obtain the sufficient expertise financial to evaluate the direction and the range of a measurement, to include/understand what is concerned and the intellectual instruments of the action are given »^457(*).

The summer schools of Attac are intended to partly fill this training of the members. Their goal is of «to initiate with the wheels of the economy and finance starting from some great stakes of the moment and from the point of view of action citizen »^458(*). Their organization is carried out by the national office. The first summer schools were organized in Ciotat^459(*) from the 23 to August 26, 2000, they gathered 700 people^460(*). This summer school, entitled « For an economy with the service of the man », consisted of a series of one three hours duration old modules devoted to topics of reflection^461(*). Moreover, workshops were devoted to more practical topics^462(*). Among inquired, only Julie and Luc attended the summer school of Ciotat. It is besides on this occasion that certain local committees gathered for AG of St Brieuc.

2.2.1.2 Limits of popular education

2.2.1.2.1 The popularization of the claims

The popular work of education aims at making available from the questions considered to be complex. However, the topics approached by Attac comprise a certain share « technique » that it is difficult to occult. How this information is carried out ? The Tobin tax, which one could see the complexity of the mechanisms, is for example a subject which is not very accessible a priori. It is possible besides to doubt, like it makes Fabien, that this claim is sufficiently vulgarisable to be comprehensible by the majority of the individuals. Julie considers that it is possible to argue in a simple way in favor of the Tobin tax owing to the fact that it is about a tax and that it « one pays all of the taxes ». The description of the tax which is made in intended for the not-members is often very short, it proceeds in three stages^463(*).

Stage n°1 : It is first of all a question of showing the extent of the speculation and its uselessness.

« Each day it is more than 1500 billion dollars which circulates on this market of the currencies (either 9000 billion francs !). This immense money mass is useful, almost, only with the financial speculation. In other words this money is used to make money and to enrich richest »

« This international tax is proposed ata low rate (0,1%) not to block the trade but to slow down, or better, to prevent, the financial speculation. If it had been applied, the tax would have brought back the sum of 228 billion dollars in 1998... of what éradiquer misery on all planet. Part of the funds would go to the States which would adopt the tax (a fifth of the lump sum for example), the other part would go directly towards the countries neediest «

Stage n°3 : The sales leaflet ends up presenting the installation of this tax.

«It remains to be made to apply this tax... and also to collect the organization who will collect the sums (a controlled organization democratically of course) »

The presentation which is made Tobin tax does not return in the details, it does not expose either counters them arguments which are opposed to him^464(*), namely : a taking away similar to that of the tax would be already carried out on the financial transactions without that preventing the financial crises, the rate of the tax would be too weak to dissuade the speculators, such a taxation would be very difficult to apply and redistribute. It is comprehensible that a summary presentation of the tax cannot include all these questions. They obtain, in addition, of the more precise answers within the documents establish by the scientific Council^465(*). On the other hand the debates within the committee do not give place to such interrogations.

For example, during the public meeting of the 24/04/2001, to which an about sixty people assisted a presentation was made by Alda which is a professor of economy (and militant committee isérois). Its presentation of the tax did not tackle the questions which we mentioned above. It constituted a version more developed of that which is usually done. Few speakers reacted following exposed of Alda. A militant (Laurent) then intervened to note that certain questions posed problems in the application of the Tobin tax. The reactions to its intervention were very sharp.

A militant (Bernard) then spoke to affirm that « the tax Tobin it is a political battle [...] It is a situation of courage. To say that we do not want this logic »^466(*). Its neighbor (Raymond) then added : « One should not be let attract on a technical level because one will lose. It is about an ideological choice. Me was told that certain mathematical models went against the Tobin tax but the mathematical equations do not change anything in the content ». Laurent then answered the two preceding speakers : « It seems to to me that the arguments that one opposes to us have their credibility and that it is necessary to answer them. It is necessary to support technically the tax Tobin bus if not that returns to us décrédibiliser ». The polemic then developed between those which estimated that the purpose of the Tobin tax is to put an end to the speculation and those (not very many) which supported, like Laurent, that « liberalism partly succeeded ». The person directing the meeting then decided to close the debate (the time which had been devoted to him initially had been exceeded) and to defer it to a later meeting.

The course of this debate is rich information. It first of all illustrates the way in which the militants support the claims. Their sales leaflet is based more on the idea of political good-will that on a precise technical device. That returns besides to the standpoint of the leaders according to whom « what is in question, it is not already proven technical feasibility, because any transaction leaves a data-processing trace but indeed the political good-will »^467(*).

In addition, this debate shows, that the exchanges, within the committee relate rather little to debates of funds^468(*). Several inquired (Cecile, Francois, Isabelle) regret besides that there are not more true reflections within the committee. Isabelle who hoped for of her adhesion information on the economic mechanisms declares being very disappointed by the meetings to which it assisted.

Lastly, this meeting on the Tobin tax illustrates the divergences which exist between the militants. The Tobin tax, like one could see it, is sufficiently broad in its formulation to allow a multitude of interpretations. Debates of ideas, like that on the Tobin tax, are thus likely to lead to very strong polemic, which can constitute an element of embrittlement of the group. Consequently, one can suppose that if such debates seldom take place within the committee it is above all by the consequences which could result from it. A too violent polemic could succeed, it was already the case, with an opposition very marked between the militants. The exacerbation of the divergences between militants would have then can be unfavourable consequences with the procedure of the committee (defection of certain militants, weakening of the cohesion of the group and loss of motivation).

Fabien : Thus I hope that it will be born soon but good... I can appear a little resigned and a little fatalist [...] But can one mobilize the public opinion on a project like this one, that appears not very probable to me because it is already a little bit complicated, they are a little mysterious for many people. Me I include/understand nevertheless what it acts, on the public place that seems difficult to me to popularize. One can arrive there but it is not completely obvious.

Julie : There are nevertheless things which can be certainly comprehensible in the Tobin tax, the speculation one knows all, one pays all of the taxes and the speculation does not know a tax, and to found the Tobin tax in the objective is to limit the speculation but it is also that any financial action must be controlled and thus to have a tax also, with the objective indeed that this tax is sufficiently important for at a time given to stop this speculation, this speculation which is not useful at all, at all with the real economy and the states. There are relatively simple things which can perhaps pass.

Isabelle : The newspaper is made because there was the demonstration in Montpellier... And at the same time one speaks about the demonstrations, it was the festival, one tore off the GMO in the fields... They is sympathetic, but it is very concrete, it is funny, but beside that I did not have the impression to better include/understand how the multinationals function, nor anything. Whereas at the beginning, it is what I awaited from my engagement. I did not have the impression moreover evolve/move in this direction. I had more the impression to be with the current, last year, while attending courses of economy. This year I do not have any any more, and finally I expected a little a continuity to be able to continue to be with the current of the things and in fact not. I awaited many of that, a kind of formation because in more there are economists, there are very cultivated people, very interesting who could more transmit to know to them and that is not really done. I have the impression perhaps that it which is in the same case, did that of it there two years that they are in Attac, they learned some tricks but it is still something which is not very well.

Laurent : With the meeting to which you assisted, there was a kind of exposed on the economy and me personally already I found it with the strong current of the daisies. Me it seems to to me that it did not control its subject and it would have better done to be keep silent. There are things which were interesting but they were not precise enough, it was too much at the level them general ideas to see preconceived ideas, that was not a true reflection. And then at one moment she said to us about the Tobin tax that a all alone country could set up it, but she did not have arguments she said simply one can do it, whereas nevertheless that is discussed. And then there were other reflections of people who said in any event one does not have to return in the debate, that is not our problem it is a philosophical question and I do absolutely not agree because it does not seem to to me that it is convincing this manner of reflecting. It is for that which I intervened for saying that on the contrary to defend a claim it is necessary to try crédibiliser and to carry it in a pragmatic way, by arguing it. On the contrary one did not have to be afraid to return in the debates. Good that it is clear that that is not on the level of the members because it is necessary to know oneself there and even the person who intervened knew nothing there, that exceeds us, it is necessary of it to be conscious but the general movement rather may find it beneficial to argue precisely and to put forward what there is the positive one in this tax [...] I do not know which is its trade but at one time somebody put a question and that then saw that it did not know it, me I find that very coward because it answered « it is complicated », it is true that it is complicated but if it is put in position to explain the things it acknowledges that it cannot. It was supposed to know but it is clear that it is a lie and that it did not know anything. I did not say it because it is nevertheless necessary to be wary a little bit. That irritated me as for said country alone can do it, i.e. to set up the Tobin tax. Why? Because it is possible. That it is really light because one should not nevertheless... That has economic implications and consequences, I do not know them but I know that it is not pain-killer to tax the capital.

2.2.1.2.2 Not very gravitational modes of formation

The second limit with popular education and the training of the militants lies in the form of the actions which are proposed by the committee. The meetings are not appropriate for some not inquired which thought of finding there a reflection denser. The group « campus » seems to better lend itself to these debates. Indeed, as Cécile explains it, more flexible operation (there is no agenda contrary to the public meetings) and cuts it more reduced (ten militants per meeting) of the group « campus » the debates of ideas facilitate. Moreover, at the public meetings, the participation is often monopolized by the most invested militants. Isabelle explains that the participation in a ' think tank ' is essential to take share with the discussions, under penalty of « to be put at the variation ».

The publications of the scientific Council constitute the principal means of information^469(*). However, they do not seem to agree with a teaching approach. Julie, who takes part in the group « information ", recognizes besides that the contents of these booklets remain difficult to reach. It specifies that a work of simplification would be necessary to operate. Isabelle regrets, that at the time of the first meeting of the committee to which it assisted, one « large pile of documents » was given to him without aucunes explanations. Besides it acknowledges never to have read them. The shape of the information memoranda thus does not seem not adapted. There would be a shift between waitings of the militants and opportunities which are proposed to them. Cecile considers that there is a too important distance between the militants and their working tools. The fact that the militants do not take part in the elaboration of the documents would be, according to it, at the origin of this problem. It suggests, in addition, that militants « work again » the documents in order to them réapproprier. This idea, which was already evoked several times, for the moment was applied very seldom^470(*). The militants thus do not contribute to the development of the information which comes from the scientific Council. How to give an account of this division of the labor?

Isabelle : In fact, which disappoints me a little with Attac, it is that I expected that one has discussions in depth and especially that one is informed on what one knows less. Whereas there, it is or you know your topic and you can fit a little inside, to bring ideas or if you do not know you smell yourself quickly put a little at the variation.

Julie : There is another slope is to make at the local level things which make it possible to challenge people and who allow to lead to the reflection, to make a form of information on what this master key, which is sufficiently... and it is there the problem... which is sufficiently simple and tonic so that that hangs people and there there is much progress to make because one cannot make yet well. I think that it is necessary to find the shapes of interpellation of people that it is in the street or that it is in the demonstrations, which lead to the reflection. And when for example our small documents are taken, for the moment it is necessary to be caught the head to include/understand. There is a work to make simplification... Finally a simplification which nevertheless says something, which is accessible and which hangs

Isabelle : After they spun us documentation, the first time an injury gave us a small package of documents... Extremely interesting! [Laughter]

[...] There is an enormous problem of communication and popularization of information. They spun me a large pile of documents, you look at them and you put them in a corner! I did not read them. I took them and I read one or two of them. But it is illegible, it is necessary to be said « I plunge myself there and I spend three hours there ». It is hard to digest but courage! It is really necessary to be justified, it is necessary to do one crowned effort! After, without wanting to really make an effort, there is nothing which is done in a gravitational way. In the newspaper of Attac campus, there are some who are a little more accessible but even on the level of Attac campus I have the impression that there is still a problem. They are already clearer but I do not think that it is accessible to everyone. People who did not make the economy, I am sorry, there are certain things which they do not include/understand. It is a little complicated. But I think that people do not realize inevitably, bus in Attac campus there is not badly which are in political sciences and they have courses of economy. But those which never made some, it is not obvious. Even me which made two years of éco, you read the articles, there are certain tricks you are there: yes of agreement... but still... There are things which are not obvious to include/understand.

Cecile : To work a leaflet, makes some you adapt itself a leaflet by working it over again. If you want to distribute a leaflet which comes from the information group, that gives you people who work all the documents that gives people who will distribute leaflets and which do not read them. There is a certain number of militants of Attac Isere which have to take part very little in political debates, because there is little political debate Attac Isere [...] It is true, that the members of Attac Isere would gain to have personal position [...]

Julie: The technical level I believe that it too is not of our... Good there are people who are leaning tops, then on the level of the scientific council of Attac and at the national level, but our group did not consider the technique, one answered one moment given to a questionnaire of work on the Tobin tax: for what that was used? Who could manage that? A work was done above but I believe that on the level of our group, the technical questions are not the priority. Because our priority is more to push the deputies.

2.2.1.3 A militancy « liability »

2.2.1.3.1 Which « reappropriation » of the ideas ?

The work of formation aims at making the militants ready to act on topics by the way of which they were inefficient before. It is about « réappropier » of the questions which were delegated to the only specialists before while making them available to all (from where the name from popular education). By their militancy, the members should thus smell themselves increasingly ready to include/understand the economic problems. However, three phenomena seem to prove the opposite. Initially, inquired express on several occasions, during talks, a feeling of incompetence. They tend, when it is a question of the methods of the Tobin tax for example, to be put in withdrawal. They often refer to the scientific Council of Attac to legitimate their remarks.

In addition, this feeling of incompetence explains why the militants of the committee carry out few diffusions of leaflets. If they carry out few public interventions on Grenoble, it would not be only for lack of time but, above all, because they do not feel sufficiently qualified to do it. For example, Cécile evokes the reaction of a militant who, during a meeting, explained that it was not able to argue the claims of association. François also supposes that there is an important difference between the arguments used in the national documents and the taking into account which is made by it at the local level. According to him, the technical questions, such as the problem of the retirements, are not controlled by the militants of the committee.

Lastly, the most relevant demonstration of this feeling of incompetence would be the relation which the local militants maintain with the members the scientific Council. The summer schools of the association' took the form of lectures^471(*). It is also on this mode that place had the popular weekend of education of the Blue Hour in Isere. Cecile considers it regrettable that the militants come to seek there information without allowing itself for all that to intervene at the end of the conferences. The talks/conferences which take place at certain public meetings also prevent, according to it, true a échange.Elle^472(*) explains besides why for this reason it preferred that militants of the group « campus » organize by themselves the technical debates. The recourse to an outside contributor is likely, according to it, not to make it possible to engage a real debate.

It would thus seem that the militants express a certain feeling of incompetence which is expressed in their report/ratio with information. While the militants fall under a step of reappropriation, they maintain a relation pure externality with information. Their report/ratio with the economy is comparable with the relation symbolic system which exist between crowned and the layman^473(*). Crowned is a quality which the layman grants to the things and which determines the relations that it maintains with them. Thus, as Roger Caillois notes it, the man testifies with respect to crowned a respect made to terror and confidence. Its use is controlled by a unit of initiatory rites; it is reserved for a minority of individuals. The militants testify to a similar relationship to the economic knowledge. They are only the vectors of transmission (just as the man is only the carrier of « fine words », image of crowned). The use of the knowledge is the fact of some eminent members of the scientific Council who enjoy a considerable prestige within association. The relation between the militants and them « scientists » are connected with an uneven relation, with a relation of domination.

Julie : What seems to me most important it is the finality, because it comes within political province, it comes within province of a choice and after one can reflect how y to arrive and one realize that it is not so difficult that that to set up bus apparently all the banks do it, all is recorded... Good it is not my field but it is not where the biggest problems are,

Cecile : Me there are many subjects on which I do not have a position. There are topics on which I take again the sales leaflet of Attac without inevitably seeking information [...] I think that there are many people of Attac which are like that. One had held a meeting with the Board of directors about going to see people and to distribute leaflets and me I was for, and there is a type which was militant trade-union during years, which must know ten times or things more that me, which said that it inevitably did not want to go to distribute a leaflet or to go to see people because he did not have the sales leaflet and that he did not know any sufficiently. One finds much this topic among people, this fear of not knowing, even if they do not want too to say it because it is founded on something like the will réapproprier and to include/understand the economic mechanisms. And him it was smelled badly at ease with going to distribute a leaflet. It is not a shame to go to say to somebody who puts questions that on top I do not know anything of it and I do not have an opinion. It is a culture of domination by the knowledge, I think.

François: I think in any event that there is no effective action without political reflection in the broad sense. There are no also political reflections which are not nourished of action and it is the social life [...] Now is what the to and from exists? I.e. basic structures nourishing the scientific Council? I think that through the popularizing works, that must exist but I do not think that all the network is seized some. I does not speak about all the militants and about all the members but I speak about all the structures. It is one of the difficulties which is not specific to Attac, it is very hard to make go down again the work of development which is made by the intellectual spheres of an association or a trade union. [...] For Attac it is similar, there are positions on the funds of pension and I am not sure that everyone controls this debate there today. I think that the national claims are right and are well worked, there is reflection which is solid. But on the local level people do not have the sales leaflet, the militants of Attac do not have arguments in hand, they can have it on paper some share but it is not acquired intellectually, they will not make use of it in a discussion. Attac there is a problem in the structure, it is that there are intellectual executives as the scientific Council which produces things but which is a little cut militant base.

Cecile : For example when one holds meetings on topics with Attac campus, one made the choice not make come each time an economist or a teacher from Attac to make us a talk. One only makes the talk all, i.e. there are a person or two which works a talk and which present it at the others, which are able to present it in a way a little more understandable than an economist would do it or a teacher and blow there is a debate which is established which is relatively levelling, because one is all students, therefore the person who will have made the talk, will have perhaps said words which will be rectified by the others. There you can really have a debate and position you. And I find that it is what misses in Attac Isere [...] In Attac Isere and it this debate does not have there there. I had been to the meetings of the Blue Hour and it is true that they are specialists [...] In Attac you nevertheless have this side popular education which makes that even the members of the Board of directors are perceived sometimes like the receivers of information and they transmit it to others and they do not think that with their positioning they can weigh in this information. And the Blue Hour it was a little that, it was a little one comes to seek information and analysis but in the debate one will not feel too much to intervene and in more it was a little the form of the debate which wanted that because when you are in a room with 200 people, you will intervene by saying that you do not agree or will not give your position. For the moment people are formed to be able to intervene and weigh on the political ideas.

F.E : If not do you think that the reflection is done on the level of Attac Isere, like it is done at the national level in the scientific Council?

François: [...] I think that there would be a reflection to have one on the type of action taken by the local collectives and the interaction that its can have with the scientific Council. I think that all is not fault of the base, I think that it is an operating mode which has limits because it there with the head and the base which tries to be seized some a little but which is confined with practical tasks. They are a little the arms.

2.2.1.3.2 The domination symbolic system

The sociology of Pierre Bourdieu attempted to reveal the reports/ratios of domination which exist between the men^474(*). The mechanisms of domination are not only carried out, according to him, starting from material or physical inequalities but on the basis of equipment in goods symbolic systems^475(*). This report/ratio of inequality is expressed by violences (symbolic systems) of which certain actors, of order institutional or organisational, are made the relay (the school, the press). The participation in the political field is carried out starting from the feeling of competence of each actor. Dominated, which tend to feel inefficient car-will be excluded by delegating their decision-making power. However, dominated are unconscious of these mechanisms. The relation of domination, which is not perceived like such, passes then for a relation of charisma^476(*).

This process accounts for the feeling of incompetence to which the militants testify. The difference in equipment of cultural capital « economic » between the militants and the scientists a report/ratio of domination symbolic system by the knowledge induces^477(*). « scientists » association, because of their knowledge, enjoy a recognition near the militants. Their intellectual legitimacy becomes a charismatic legitimacy then^478(*). The knowledge held by a minority would thus accentuate the feeling of incompetence of the militants. The popular work of education, such as it is carried out within Attac, would thus not lead to an D-appropriation^479(*). That Ci would appear by the increase in the feeling of competence of the militants. While the leaders of Attac refer to the topic scour democracy « by bottom », they would reproduce within association a system of uneven relations. This statutory hierarchy would not be institutionalized, contrary to the political parties. It would concern an order symbolic system. The intellectual formation, just like the decision-making, is downwards carried out primarily top. This is why we will qualify the militancy which is carried out in Attac of « passive militancy ».

These remarks seem to go against the evolutions of work militant that Jacques Ion could observe within the organizations^480(*). There was previously a very strict allocation of the functions between the national direction and the militants : « the traditional diagram of action alternated actually exposure of the power and negotiation ; summarily known as : the troops ravelled, then the direction discussed, being based on the show of force and threatening of an entry in more virulent scene of the base in the event of failure »^481(*). With this division was added some one second between the intellectuals and the base. From now on the distinction between the top and the bottom of the grouping would be less and less clear. The negotiation would not be any more the characteristic of the direction, in the same way, as the collective protest would not be any more the characteristic of the militant. Moreover, the figure of the militant and the intellectual would approach. This observation does not apply, according to us, in Attac. The intellectual, far from being obsolete, covers within association a new legitimacy. On the other hand, what happenhappens activity protester and claiming ?

2.2.2 Forms of the mobilizations

The forms of the collective mobilizations are not invariant. Charles Tilly endeavoured to account for the evolutions of the forms of the collective protest. He tried to make a history of it^482(*). Its demonstration rests on the assumption that the individuals rather do not use indifferently a form of collective action than another but choose within « repertories » existing, which vary according to the times and places', population concerned, the advantages which the practice presents, but also according to the attitude adopted by the authorities and the organizations aimed with respect to the devoted forms of the collective action^483(*). Each movement of protest is confronted, according to him, with a repertory of precise actions already tested before by other social actors. Tilly privileges, in his analyzes socio-histories, a dynamic prospect in which the repertories of actions are renewed. These evolutions take place according to three processes : the innovation or the adoption of new forms of action, the adaptation to forms of action already available, the abandonment of the forms of actions which appear not very suitable, ineffective or dangerous^485(*).

The repertory of action of Attac results from the conjunction between already existing, old modes of protest as the strike or resulting from the associative movements protesters such as the symbolic system use of the media, and a whole of values and waitings which characterize the militants. The repertory of protest used by association thus constitutes an indicator of the values which characterize the engagement of the militants.

Among the modes of action to which recourse the militants have, it is possible to distinguish three characteristics : the recourse to the actions symbolic systems, importance of user-friendliness and legitimacy by the number.

2.2.2.1 The revival of the repertory of collective actions

2.2.2.1.1 The preeminence of the symbolic system

The symbolic system occupies a very great place within the actions which are carried out by association at the national level. For example, at the time of the manifestation of December 6 2000 which had had mile in Nice for the top of the European Union, the leaders of Attac had organized an action « bathe » which profited from very strong media repercussions^486(*). The following day, militants of Attac « keep the high-speed motorboat » while going to the border Monegasque where they set up one « wall of the money » with paperboards struck with the European currencies. There still the media presence is considerable^487(*). The day of action against the tax havens of June 9, 2001 was also the occasion to resort to actions symbolic systems. The militants of Attac announced by way of press them « unloading » on the island of Jersey to protest their dissatisfaction. The local police force was put on the foot of war and of the officers specialized in the anti-riot techniques of Gaslgow were called in reinforcement. However, like a journalist of the World specifies it, « this atmosphere of taken care of weapons tallies badly with the program : picnic, distribution of leaflets by group of six (requested not to leave « no relief on the spot »), maintenance granted to a delegation of Attac »^488(*). The mode of mobilization of association appears deeply marked by the evolutions that knew the repertory of collective action since the end of the Sixties and who developed during the Nineties.

However, the mobilizations of the militants of the committee isérois do not concern the same repertory of collective actions. The forms of protest remain anchored in a repertory less renewed and more traditional. For example, the day of action against the tax havens which had taken a form « original » at the national level resulted in a simple distribution of leaflets and posting in front of the banks of the downtown area of Grenoble. At the time of the congress of the socialist Party (24, 25, November 26), the militants isérois had organized « the reception » of the congressmen at the station by « men sandwiches » distributing leaflets. Diffusions had also been carried out in front of the palate of the congresses of Grenoble (Alpexpo). The actions carried out by the committee isérois are carried out on a form very distinct from that which is adopted by the national direction of Attac. It east can be what explains, inter alia, the weak mediatization of the local committee while national association profits from a broad media cover. How to give an account of this important difference between the local repertory of action and the national repertory of action ?

2.2.2.1.2 A festive mode of action

The mobilizations of association are characterized by the place which is granted to festive dimension. This festivity is, first of all, present at the time of the events of the internal life of association. The national appointments (Assembled general, summer schools) arise, in spite of the number of participants, like moments of user-friendliness between militants. Evenings «Attac » are organized by the national direction : projections of films, spectacles humorous, dances, etc Within the local committee, of the regroupings of user-friendliness also take place. These demonstrations take part in the development, as we noted, of an organized sociability intended to federate the militants of association. They seem to correspond, according to the survey carried out by Thomas Marty, to certain waiting of the militants^489(*).

However, this festivity is also present during the external mobilizations of association. For example, at the time of May 1, one « midnight supper » each year in front of the palate of the purse in Paris is organized. It is a question of protesting against « financiarisation » and speculative profits in a merry and convivial way. The group « campus » also one carried out « alternative play of law » on the topic of the speculation. These forms of action appear, perhaps, like a new fashion of protest. They would raise, according to us, of the conjunction between a user-friendliness present in the traditional organizations and waiting again modes of actions which are expressed since the beginning of the Nineties. Whereas the associative movements protesters had excluded, in reaction to the traditional organizations, the festivity like mode of action, Attac would make of it a major component of its repertory of collective action. One for concluding from it as much can that the mode of protest of association is new ?

Cecile: Our first action was a play, on the campus: how to become a large pig speculator! It was a play of goose, super funny; one had done it with the terminus of the tram, it was about March.

Cecile: Means, because the students had come to play, but they already were known... (laughter)

Cecile: Yes, it is funny, because there were some people who wanted to play but which did not look at inevitably what it had written there on the boxes. There are people who said: «Oh I play, it is funny! » But finally they had not included/understood. But at the end, there are nevertheless some people who asked us: «But it is what Attac? ». But us, one expected that that is more dynamic, one said that the militancy should be promoted more, to try to renew all these actions. It is well to make an action with funny forms, but as it is the first appearance, people do not know yet Attac and it was normal only that does not go of the first blow.

2.2.2.1.3 Legitimacy by the number

The new form of associative participation described previously caused a revival of the repertory of collective action of the organizations. Jacques Ion observes that the number (individuals) is not any more only refer of the group. Thus, legitimacy is not acquired any more, only, starting from the number of members^490(*). The militant separates and confers on the organization, by his specificity, a new legitimacy. The modes of collective protest are affected. While the preceding repertories of collective action privileged them « demonstrations of force », the new fashions of protest attach less importance to the number and the report/ratio of force is symbolized via the media^491(*).

The mobilizations within Attac grant a broad place to dimension symbolic system. However, the authority of legitimation of the claims appears being before all the number. According to inquired the taking into account of the claims of association must be carried out, above all, by the number. The importance which is attached to the progression of adhesions within Attac was highlighted besides. The repertory of collective action is of course related to this representation of legitimacy. For example, the principal action taken by Attac in favor of the Tobin tax was the launching of a petition. That Ci mobilized the association from December 1998 to October 1999, date on which an Attac delegation given this petition (of 110.000 signatures) to Laurent Fabius, then president of the French National Assembly^492(*). A European petition had been launched also in April 1999 in preparation for the European elections of the 13/06/1999^493(*).

On the other hand, one can object that association has for the moment never organized of demonstrations « of mass ». The first national demonstration Attac will take place in January 2001. François recognizes, moreover, that it hopes that nearly 50.000 demonstrators will be present. This demonstration is thus connected well with a mobilization of mass^494(*). It is supposed that the absence, until now, such demonstrations translates the attachment with the number rather than it contradicts it. Indeed, it is above all because association was not able to be able to gather manpower necessary, that no mobilization of mass had been organized until today. This assumption is confirmed by the situation of the local committee. No demonstration specific to Attac has for the moment take place on Grenoble. Inquired explain that a mobilization is not possible for the moment because it would not gather sufficient militants to be representative and credible. Inquired thus seem to found legitimacy starting from the number.

The repertory of collective action of association expresses certain contradictions. The place granted to the actions symbolic system testifies to the taking into account of the associative revival. On the other hand, the place granted to user-friendliness and the affiliation of legitimacy to the number translate the weight of the traditional modes of actions. Attac would be located at the meeting held on the nine and old. This ambiguity can be solved only by the search for a mode of protest which is specific to association.

Thomas : November 24 it is the date of the large manif main road in Paris. One will try to bring back the maximum of people and me I would like well that one is around 50 000 people and it is possible. It is manif of Attac on the broad topics as the Tobin tax and the cancellation of the debt of the Third World, pollution. It is first manif Attac, of course it y will have much others which will join it, all the founder members will bring back bus but it is Attac which organizes.

F.E : Is what you already did on Grenoble a demonstration or an action specifically on the Tobin tax?

Julie: [...] Only one demonstration on the Tobin tax not ! Because for the moment that did not seem to us sufficiently federator so that one is sufficiently numerous. One is 800 members but that does not want to say that one will be 800 people to be expressed. It is necessary nevertheless that it have a minimum of people there so that it is credible and so that it is visible.

2.2.2.2 The search for a legitimate mode of protest

« All the efforts of violence cannot weaken the truth and are only used for raising it more. All the lights of the truth cannot anything to stop violence, and do nothing but irritate it still more »

Pascal, the provincial ones, 12th letter

2.2.2.2.1 To answer violence

The international social conflicts such as Seattle or Genoa have constrained the militants of Attac to seek a mode of specific action. Indeed, they were confronted during these mobilizations with groups which include violence in their repertories of actions. The violent action is a data which was often occulted, wrongly, of the analysis of the mobilizations^495(*). Charles Tilly is one of the first authors has to have integrated violence in his reflection, not in fact specific but as a method of the collective protest^496(*). The taking into account of violence appears essential, within Attac, in the comprehension of the forms of the militant action.

At the time of against tops, a great diversity of political actors is represented. In addition to the traditional actors (associations, ONG, political parties, trade unions), anarchistic groups took part in these mobilizations. While the first fall under a prospect legalist, the seconds are, often, in favor of a more violent mode of action. For example, the autonomous movements which claim black block are recognized as being more the violent ones at the time of the against-tops^497(*). Other groups, which are claimed like nonviolent one, develop strategies of action plus protesters (blocking of the access roads, direct interposition vis-a-vis the police officers) such as Reclaim the streets, Tutte bianche or Teststemyà basta. With the wire of the against-tops, violence was increasingly present on both sides. Important safety devices were installed in the cities being used as places of meeting with the international authorities. For example, at the time of the top of the G8 of July 2001, the town of Genoa was transformed into a quasi-blockhouse^498(*). However, violences multiplied.

After these events, the persons in charge for association adopted a position vis-a-vis violence. In response to the Summit of Gothenburg, the Office of Attac published a press release by which they was disunited « completely groups of agitators who ransacked the downtown area of Gothenburg during the against-top » and the will of Attac affirmed « to act in a nonviolent way »^499(*). However the positions of the leaders of association are more ambiguous than could not let it think this speech « set language ». One can distinguish, with respect to violence two tendencies contrary within Attac. First of all, Susan George taken position in a very clear way against violence and the groups who practice it^500(*). Contrary, some, such as Christophe Aguiton, tend to grant a place to violence within the mobilizations without to legitimate it in a clear way^501(*). This refusal to condemn violence caused sharp polemical within association, more especially as Christophe Aguiton lays out, according to some, of a militant past «paramilitary »^502(*). Its political organization (the LCR) was also shown to encourage the militants with violence^503(*). Following the against-top of Genoa, certain representatives of Attac, such as Ricardo Petrella, president d' Attac Italy and journalist of the Diplomatic World, regarded these violences as an answer « inevitable » with the police provocations^504(*), which amounts legitimating them.

The committee isérois was already confronted with the problem of violence. For example, the mobilization of Nice in December 2000 was very badly lived by certain militants. Usually, the organization of the against-tops is done by the national direction of association, while the local committees constitute the troops of the mobilizations. However, at the time of against Summit of Nice the national direction did not invite to take part in the surrounding of the palate of the congresses. Attac committees, of which that of Isere, had been mobilized but no organization framed their action. The committees dispersed among the demonstrators and of the militants of found mingled with groups with anarchists. Cecile explains that the demonstration was very violent and that many militants of Attac come to express peacefully were very surprised course of the events.

Within the committee isérois, Luc specifies us, that it is possible to find this divergence of opinions among the militants. Following violences of Nice, certain militants had refused that the Board of directors of the committee invites to express for the against-top of Genoa. Contrary, other militants were in favor of a more violent action intended to force the zone of demarcation. The position of surveyed concerns the same ambiguity as the remarks of Christophe Aguiton. They refuse to support violence and disunite breakers but they do not condemn them therefore. They position in a strategy of demarcation with respect to violence^505(*). The militants of the committee refuse to be amalgamated with the groups considered to be more radical. The expression of Lionel («Not for me !«) this catch of distance summarizes. One can perhaps explain this reaction, just as that of Susan George, by the taking into account of the image of the movement which could suffer from confusion.

Cecile : I had never seen such a violent demonstration. People of Attac which had come to see, expected manif a fun, cool, kind carnival, they were surprised, but remained. But I am not sure, that people of Attac would reinvest in manif of this kind especially that against G. 8, in July, which is also announced forces [...] But especially on this manif, it is that there no had been collective preparation on behalf of Attac Isere. In other cities, there had been a preparation, by saying what it was necessary to do if one were stopped, one could call such lawyer number; what should be made if one is in a police station? [...] I am very critical on Attac Isere! There is evil to organize collective meetings and to give directives so that the things function. For example, for Nice one could not organize of bus; as the meeting proceeded over three days, one gave the possibility to people of coming when he wanted, the morning or the evening. One had organized covoiturages, one gave oneself appointments on the carpark from Town square to Grenoble to one hour morning. It was not even known if one would find cars to transport people. One does not know how much came and people were not even well-informed, to enter Nice and where was the meeting.

Luc : The time of front, compared to Genoa, one did not have any information on the way in which that was going to occur. There was a fear of intervening in Genoa, because there was experience of Götegerg with a death, there was experience of Nice where one relatively badly has all summers at ease because there was no organization and there were no engines. One did not want that that reproduces. Thus in the Board of directors one could find the two tendencies, the tendency Aguiton and the tendency Susan George, there was a tendency which said it is necessary to go to demolish the wall around Genoa, an extreme tendency, there was tendency which said, taking into account the problems violence and risks compared to the press, it especially not Aller to Genoa, and then a third tendency of which I formed part, which said «let us wait to have more information! ». For me was about it to decide when one did not have any more information. One spent eight hours on top. Then one waited to know some more to decide to organize something to go there. Because somebody said one does take the responsability to organize something compared to people who will go there?

Julie : Perhaps what one will have a revolution, perhaps which it is necessary to pass by there, there are risings increasingly important, it is necessary to see what one wants, one wants a rising where one puts bombs everywhere where one seeks to react and mobilize oneself and reflect together? I do not see myself going to pose bombs and thus it is necessary well to make differently.

Lionel : I had not been in Nice because it was especially on Europe and I saw that less important, it is less the role of Attac. It is a little more the role of the trade unions. There had been not badly violence with the Italians and the Spaniards. My position is mitigated enough compared to violence with knowing if it should be used or not. I include/understand it but I say «Not for me ! « That returns me a little to my past.

Lionel : I had not taken part in May 68 but at the beginning of the Seventies I had taken part in demonstrations which were in the line of May 68. It was a little a revenge over May which 68 one took there.

2.2.2.2.2 Which mode of protest ?

The militants isérois did not know how to react at the time of the Summit of Nice. Thomas explains that it did not know which reaction to adopt when anarchists infiltrated the Attac procession. The difficulties encountered by the committee isérois at the time of the against-top of Nice translate according to Cécile and François the lack of organization of the militants. Cecile considers it regrettable that nobody had the reflex to give certain Security Councils to the people who came to express. This is explained, according to it, by the lack of experience of the militants. The most committed people within the committee have a trade-union experiment primarily. Among inquired which occupies of the responsibilities in association, Thomas is the only one to have a political past. He profits from an experiment of the collective action the other militants do not have^506(*). François also underlines that what is missing with the militants isérois, it is primarily an experiment and a reflection concerning the problem of violence. It states to have within its political party (the LCR) such a practice which enables him to adopt reactions appropriate vis-a-vis to violence.

Cecile : While Attac succeeded in making come from people who were not militant, which was never militant. And this it is in all the local groups. Blow you find yourself with tricks where people do not have the militant reflexes. Me I was irritated and yet I am nevertheless not old, therefore it is a little serious. I was irritated on tricks because me I had already a militant reflex. I at the head do not have an example. But on an action, the militant reflexes are important, if not that wants to say that you reproduce and sometimes you installations more questions. That makes it possible to have a certain effectiveness on certain tricks too. For example on Nice, I had been in a meeting of preparation; on the question of safety, I had intervened for saying that it was necessary to warn all the people who came to Nice, and how was going to happen safety. That was not done, but I had intervened on top. You see in fact tricks did not come to mind, because I had already lived of the situations like that and which did not come inevitably to mind from people whereas for me it was obvious.

François : There is a place as a political organization which is not contestable. There is a capacity of mobilization that Attac does not have. Attack can do something and to make come a great flood of people but it is precisely when the tide is a little unverifiable that that leaves in all the directions. It is well to have a political organization which has traditions of reflection on violence. One is not violent when one is in a situation and that one had reflections one will not assoira floor for example. One will organize a fold more easily. To organize a fold of militants it is the work of an association or a party which had a tradition and a past of service of order and discussions on how to protect itself. It is to organize its own protection [...] The procession of the League exploded forever in Nice. There were drapeauxAttac in all the processions because their procession with the first load scattered in all the directions. Then it is easy that us to attack on top and to treat us the paramilitary ones !

Luc : And was the following day, there the surrounding of the European top, one was found in front of the cops leaving a little everywhere, one did not know where to go, with our flag Attac and what one makes in front of the cops? What does one make? One waits. There were extremists with their red flag and that created a certain tension, because on their flag it was not only hammer and sickle, which does not shock me too much in oneself, although I find that it is a little obsolete. But in more there was the machine-gun on the flag. They came in the middle of us with their flags and they agitated them under the nose of the cops. I call me that of the provocation. Moreover, one was badly at ease because one could not what make. One was not with the Attac group but one was with people of Attac which were there. There were several Attac groups which were trotted a little everywhere, because there was no organization. It of had organized there nothing by the national, then if were to find itself under the same conditions to find themselves in front of the wall and to await that is not worth the blow.

What seems to us to be in question in the course of the against-tops, it is not so much the lack of organization of the militants who the maladjustment of the repertory of action of the demonstrators to the situation. The course of a mobilization can be used as illustration. It is about the demonstration which took place on July 20, 2001^507(*) in Genoa at the time of G8.

To express in Genoa

The national direction of Attac had wished to deal with the organization of the against-top of Genoa. A place of appointment was used as HQ with association^508(*). It is where the militants isérois could on their arrival receive information on the mobilizations envisaged and the methods of lodging. The actions were organized by the direction of Attac France and Attac Italy. A briefing took place before each action. The course of the demonstrations was explained to the militants^509(*). Certain security instructions were also indicated (teargases, reactions to be adopted in the event of violences). Finally formations with non-violence were proposed to the militants who were voluntary. A service of a nature, composed of militants of association, had been organized in order to interpose between the demonstrators and the police officers. It took the shape of a long human chain which surrounded the Attac procession during the demonstrations^510(*). Attac belonged to the organizations which did not wish to penetrate in the red zone. This is why the actions organized by association during the against-top concerned a dimension symbolic system primarily. For example, it was decided to prepare a crossing of the enclosing wall of the zone using releasing balloon^511(*). The second « action » of the militants was « to make hear » within the city. It was a question of producing a maximum of noise using various objects (key, bottles, etc) vis-a-vis the latticed wall. However, at the end of a certain time, the militants discouraged themselves. A feeling of impotence seized the demonstrators^512(*). At this point in time some chose modes of action more « violent one ». Militants of Attac tried to dismount the grids. Members of the service of order interposed for preventing some. Projectiles were then launched over the grids to reach the police officers. They were essentially plastic bottles, however certain hooded militants launched ignited projectiles (These militants are probably not those of Attac). The police force then retorted by sending some teargases and by aspergeant the militants using water cannons. The disputes between militants and police officers then were gradually spaced and calms was restored. The militants then approached towards the exit point^513(*). Hooded demonstrators benefitted from the sway in the crowd for launching projectiles (perhaps of the explosive products). The police officers retorted. A movement of panic then took place. The street (which was the only emergency exit) was too narrow so that all the demonstrators can pass and of people started to hustle itself.

Several remarks can beings made starting from this account. First of all, there exists within the militants certain divergences of appreciation. For example, Christelle who is member of the turnover isérois, refused to express within the Attac procession. She preferred to accompany Tutte bianche of which she considers the methods more radical and more effective. These divergences reappeared besides during a meeting which followed the demonstration then at the time of the university of Arles^514(*). Militants wished on behalf of Attac a more claiming mode of action and less symbolic system.

On the other hand, the majority of the militants isérois who were present in Genoa chose a strategy of non-violence. They took part in the demonstrations and with the actions symbolic systems organized by association and behaved in way legalist. Following these events, the militants considered that they were going to be more and more brought to face the problem of violence. There in order to be able to face, they plan to follow a formation to the techniques of non-violence^515(*).

The repertory of action of the militants does not appear appropriate to the international mobilizations. Indeed, those Ci have recourse to a traditional mode of protest (founded on the number and the demonstration). However, it would seem that he is not very effective at the time of the against-tops. The militants who refuse to resort to violence find disabled at the time of the demonstrations^516(*). There is a shift between the mode of protest used and the configuration of the international mobilizations. What reflects this situation, it is, according to us, the absence of a repertory of action which is specific to the militants of Attac. The originality and the innovation of the mobilizations as those of Genoa make perhaps essential a revival of the modes of action.

« The singular acquires a scientific value when it ceases being held for a spectacular variety and that it reaches the exemplary statute of variation »

Canguilhem (George), « Singular and singularity in biological epistemology », in Studies of stories and philosophy of sciences

U term of this reflection, it is possible to call in question the revival of the participation to which Attac would testify. However, before all things, it is necessary to recall that this investigation relates to the committee Attac Isere specifically. The conclusions brought here do not have the claim to be valid in all places. Certain specificities of the local committee were highlighted besides (a strong opposition to the national direction, an associative local area network relatively weak, a distinctive standpoint concerning the role of the people morals in Attac). On the other hand, certain observations which were made can be extended to the whole of association; for two reasons.

On the one hand, the committee Attac Isere reflects certain characters which are common to the whole of association (supported claims, the place of popular education, etc). In addition, specificities of the committee made it possible to wonder about certain aspects which could have passed unperceived. For example, the militants isérois are very attached to the topic of the internal democracy. Without the taking into account of this problem, the comprehension of the relations between the room and the national would not have been possible. In short, the defended idea is that the individual relevant remainder to give an account of social phenomena of greater width. Specificities which the individual one is carrying are thus not obstacles with knowledge but they define the conditions of possibility of them. Consequently, one can try to establish certain distinctive features of the engagement of the militants starting from our observations; one will be able to then propose an interpretation allowing to give an account of it. That Ci of course requires several confirmations before being able to be validated^517(*).

Initially, it is necessary to point out the principal evolutions which characterize the current forms of engagement. Those will be used to us as model to qualify the engagement of Attacants^518(*).

Jacques Ion could observe a revival of engagement through the participation of the individuals in the networks^519(*). The existence of the networks is not recent. The Communist Party already had a constellation of associative and trade-union units which were subordinate for him. However, the networks knew deep transformations. From now on the networks are more founded on a community of interests that on an ideological allegiance. The heteromorphous networks supposed a central organization which can be used as referent with the various groupings (it was generally about a political party)^520(*). Contrary, the isomorphous networks constitute starting from autonomous organizations the ones with respect to the others. Those Ci do not result from the network, as it was the case previously, but they preexist to him. These evolutions make possible the taking into account of specificities of each organization and each member. The membership of a network does not seem any more one constraint for its members. Besides this evolution translates the new place of the militant within his organization.

Jacques Ion also noted an inversion of the militant values^521(*). Freedom, pluralism, autonomy replaced the practices of « apparatus » which characterized the traditional modes of organization. From now on, operation excludes centralization from the decisions; the collective participation is put forward. The abandonment of a too rigid hierarchy, the refusal of centralization go hand in hand with the assertion of the militant as an actor. In fact, these two evolutions structural (new networks and the new place of the militant within the organization) testify to emergence of a new method to the associative participation.

While the militant was previously that which « adhered » with its organization, i.e. which coexisted with it, the new militants are characterized today by their autonomy. The constitution of the organizations is carried out from now on starting from specific regroupings on specific claims. This evolution represents the emergence of a set of themes to act it « here and now »^522(*). One would pass thus, according to the expression of Hannertz, from a seizure of the individuals in anonymous terms of atoms to a seizure in terms of actors moving. The model of the participation is not from now on any more that of the engagement militant, which required the self-sacrifice with the profit of « cause », but of a distancié engagement^523(*). The individual is not only any more the object of his organization, it becomes the actor about it. Its singular personality is from now on developed.

Distancié engagement and the figure of the militant who is dependant for him (less adherent and more actor that object of its organization) translate the advent of a new age of the participation. Several observations lead us to think that Attac is distinguished from this model.

Attac was born from the gathering of a unit from trade unions, associations and publications. The first members were people morals besides. Thus it was possible to federate several movements within a network. However, this mode of organization presents some limit. The participation of the founder members was decisive for the structuring and the launching of national association. Without this Attac network would probably never have existed. However, it appears much less prégnant at the local level. It would seem that the committee isérois is relatively « closed » with respect to the whole of the Grenoble-native network. Of course unit calls are regularly made up, of the bonds exist with certain organizations (country Confederation). One is however very far from a network similar to that which launched association. Very few actions are truly carried out in a collective way. The bonds which exist between the organizations do not locate between the militants but between the leaders. Indeed, and it is there the second limit of this network, the transitivity of adhesions appears very weak. Inquired do not seem to correspond to the model described by Jacques Ion. Indeed, the militants do not cumulate various adhesions as that is the case within the new networks^524(*). It would seem that this bulk-heading between the local committee and the Grenoble-native associative network is explained by a will of demarcation of the militants and by the fear of being compared to the other organizations. The associative network is thus more present on the national level that on the local level. Its role was above all of « to launch » association.

The working procedure of association also betrays the observations formulated by Jacques Ion. It proves that inquired attach much importance to the topic of the internal democracy. Besides their engagement seems to be related to the virtues that incarnates the associative mode. However, this speech seems to have to be called in question taking into consideration effective practice of the militants. The operation of association, so much at the national level than local, is at against current of the evolutions which the organizations know. The personalization of the leaders, the lack of group decisions, the little of place granted to the militants, the blocking of the statutes are as many signs manifest of this paradox. These last remarks encourage us to wonder about the relation which exists between the room and the national.

It proves that the cut between the militants and the national direction is obvious. Roberto Michels had already been able to observe that any organization is dedicated to adopt an oligarchical operating mode i.e. which a minority adapts the direction^525(*). « head » autonomise gradually of « mass » until in being definitively crossed. The search for Michels with our subject is besides striking. Michels had wondered about the fact that a party (the German party social democrat of the beginning of the 20th century) which wished to express the interests of those « of in bottom » can lead to a very hierarchical organization. It would be perhaps the same for Attac. In spite of the questioning of the traditional organizations, one attends a reproduction of the practices of apparatus. The operating mode of Attac is connected in unquestionable connection with the parties of mass described by Maurice Duverger^526(*). The base of these parties resides primarily on the number of members. They are characterized by a strong centralization of the decisions, a valorization of formal adhesion and finally by the place which is granted to the contributions. These elements were highlighted within the committee isérois.

The parties of mass are characterized by a strong concentration of the capacity to the profit of a minority. This cut between the top and the bottom of the political parties testifies according to Bourdieu to a domination between the leaders and the militants^527(*). That Ci is of nature symbolic system. The legitimacy from which the constituents profit is a charismatic legitimacy which is based on equipments in cultural capital unequal. This relation of domination between leaders and directed is according to us presents within Attac. Contrary to the set of themes of the reappropriation which constitutes an objective of association, one could observe that popular education does not lead to an increased feeling of competence. It would even seem, that the relation of domination symbolic system is some reinforced. This remark can be put in connection with the parties of mass which are also characterized, according to Duverger, by the attempt to provide to its militants a political education and to learn « the means of intervening in the State »^528(*). The political education which was dealt with by the parties of mass can be brought closer to popular education. It thus appears difficult to affirm that Attac represents a revival of the forms of organization. Its structure is connected even with very old modes of the organization partisane.

The militant practices testify to same ambiguities as the form of association. The actions carried out by the militants isérois concern two distinct repertories of actions. On the one hand, they testify to a revival of the modes of action which is not specific to Attac but which was already inaugurated by other movements such as the DAL or the country Confederation. The symbolic system occupies a dominating place in these mobilizations. In addition, the actions of the committee isérois remain attached to a more traditional repertory of action. For example the number (demonstrators, members) remains the factor of legitimacy of the defended cause. The mobilizations of mass (petitions, demonstrations) constitute an important mode of action within association.

The modes of action thus belong to two distinct registers. This ambivalence appeared during the international mobilizations. With this occasion, the militants are confronted with situations in which the traditional modes of protest (demonstration) appear inadequate. Certain groups made the choice of violence. The militants of Attac which are legalists refuse to resort to this mode of action. However, they are vis-a-vis a dilemma : to renew their mode of action without going against the values to which they are attached.

With the question engagement within Attac testifies T it to a new age of the participation associative? We will answer this : the engagement and the practices of the militants attest of a mode of participation which is between two ages.

Attac falls under contemporary social conflicts. Operation in network of association, the place granted to the symbolic system and the media but also the extent of the defended claims confers to him an important place in the revival of the participation. However, Attac is attached to a mode of organization and protest which remain anchored in traditional forms.

The singularity of the movement thus does not lie in its innovation but in this double filiation. That Ci leads sometimes to contradictions to which are confronted the militants. However, it is by the going beyond of these contradictions that a revival of engagement can occur. The entry in a new age of the participation is at this price.

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2 the associative share of engagement ................................................................. 74

2.1.3 A disputed freedom ............................................................................................ 85

1.1.1.1 Decline and revival of the social conflicts .......................................................... 116

1.1.1.2 The interpretation of the social conflicts ..................................................................... 119

2.2.1.3.1 Which « reappropriation » of the ideas ? ............................................................. 208

2.2.1.3.2 The domination symbolic system ........................................................................... 211

Index of the initials

Attac : Association for the tax on the financial transactions and the assistance with the citizens.

CRC : To coordinate, gather, build

SNUIPP : Unified national trade union of the teachers and professors of the schools

Summary : While the crisis of the participation is a leitmotiv, Association for the tax on the financial transactions and the assistance with the citizens (Attac) would represent the emergence of a revival of engagement and militancy. However, this perception is more the result of a setting in scene of the movement that of an effective revival. Attac would not testify to a new age of the participation but to a militancy located between two ages. The investigation was carried out starting from nine talks deepened within the committee Attac Isere.

Key words : Association - Engagement Militancy Put in scene - social Movements Universalization

* ¹ This account is founded on a whole of real facts. Only some modifications were made.

* ² The presentation which is made association here corresponds deliberately to the way in which the national direction gives an account of it. It is initially a question of delimiting which « presentation of oneself » is made by the leaders of association in order to be able to adopt little by little during our research a more critical glance. Cf, Cassen (Bernard) under the responsibility of, All on Attac, Paris, Thousand and One Nights, 2000, p.127.

* ³ Ramonet (Igniacio) « To disarm the markets », The Diplomatic World, December 1997, p 1. Cf, annexe10, p.26.

* ⁴ Cf, Losson (Christophe), « Flies of the stage coach of Attac », Release, 27/08/2001, p. 9.

* ⁵ One can note besides in the choice of the cities which were used as place of organization of the general Assemblies a will to decentralize those Ci. The national direction of Attac underlines in a recurring way its wish to establish a geographical balance between Paris and the other local committees.

* ⁶ In October 1999 is hardly a year and half after the creation of Attac Michel Gairaud in Christian Témoignage writes «Attac, it is also a cascade of figures: more than 12 000 members; 890 associations, trade unions, companies, municipalities, media, affiliated with the network. Hundred twenty and one local committees; a committee with the French National Assembly extremely of 115 deputies; 18 international Attac groups; an Internet site translated into seven languages, consulted 350 000 times on average per month of then 80 countries; 100 000 signatures for a petition in favor of the Tobin tax given last week to Laurent Fabius... And all that in only 15 month of existence! «in Michel Gairaud, « The plea of Attac and dictatorship of the markets », Christian Testimony, number 2885, October 21, 1999, p. 16.

* ⁹ Cassen (Beranard), « We all are of learning » in Attac, an economy with the service of the man, Paris, ED Thousand and One Nights, 2001, p. 283.

* ¹⁰ « When association was formally constituted, June 3, 1998, by the will of forty founder members [...] none of the latter had indeed ideas very precise of the turning which association would take [...] At the time, indeed, nobody would have ventured to reason of tens of thousands [of members]... ». Ibid, p. 12.

* ¹¹ « The structuring of association [...] take part it even of the logic of the electronic networks. National association- and not federation it makes it possible each member to take part and contribute to its development with the same relevance ». Cassen (Bernard) under the responsibility for, All on Attac, op.cit., p.19.

* ¹² At January 1, 2001, association asserted, among 29830 members, 1159 people morals including 575 trade unions, 362 associations, 61 local sections of parties, 59 companies, 54 local and territorial communities, 26 publications, 9 federations of association, 7 work's councils, 6 co-operatives. Cf, Attac France, « Inventory of fixtures at January 1, 2001 ». Appendix n°12, p. 29.

* ¹³ Nicolas Weil, journalist in the written World: «This would not be that by the swelling of these manpower Attac constitutes, at the end of these two years of existence a phenomenon with counter-current of the main tendencies the political life [...] the development of association indeed was essential like a counterexample on the decline generalized of militance traditional [...]» in Nicolas Weil, « Attac. Ni normalizes Anglo-Saxon nor American model of dispute », The World, 5/06/2000, p. 6.

* ¹⁴ Cf Marion Rugieri, « You engage! You re-engage! : there was not that since the Seventies. At the city as on the screens, political engagement becomes again a value », It, April 10, 2000, p. 265.

* ¹⁵ «For the moment when the policy and the parties suffer from a major discredit, nourished renouncement and supplied with certain unworthy conduits, it is advisable not to confuse the object itself and the crisis which affects, and of knowing, with the politicking practices, to oppose engagement citizen. », in Board of directors of Attac, «Attac and the policy », March 22, 2000.

* ¹⁶ Chantal Aumeran, Pierre Tartakowsky, management Report, General meeting of Attac Ciotat, October 23, 1999.

* ¹⁸ Weil (Nicolas), «Attac between counter-evaluation , action and recovery », the World, 26/10/1999, p.6.

* ¹⁹ Cf, Attac France, To act local, think total, Paris, Thousand and One Nights, 2000.

* ²¹ Martine Barthélémy allots a broad direction to the associative participation which it defines as being « a voluntary process of mobilization of the individuals in a group made up more or less durable and intervening in the public sphere ». Barthelemy (Martine), Associations : a new age of the participation? , Paris, Press FNSP, 2000, p. 13.

* ²⁴ Bernard Cassen declares that «the idea of the combat against the financial enemy is a very federator topic», discussion with Bernard Cassen, in the left of the left, COp cit., p. 96.

* ²⁶ Nephew (Erik), Sociology of the social movements, Paris, ED the discovery, 2000, pp. 52-65.

* ²⁷ We give a subjective definition of the universalization but which is able to account for criticisms which are made to him : «The term of universalization indicates the generalized process of deregulation and liberalization of the planetary economy, of which the ambition is to subject all the human branches of industry to the law of free trade and the profit. The principal not-governmental actors of this movement, of which the recipients in a number are restricted, are the international multinationals, institutions such OECD, the World Bank, the IMF, OMC, the think tanks like the forum of Davos, etc the problems related to universalization appeared in the agroalimentary fields (seeds and productions GMO, agro-industrial accidents insane cow, chickens with dioxane, suspect Coke...), financier (speculation, privatization...), social (social dumping, delocalizations, degradation of the public services, democratic absence of control...), environmental (plundering of resources) ». Pirot (Patrick), « What universalization ? », Politis, n°566, 16/09/1999.

* ²⁸ « The networks are structures of social actors who, for ends of shared in the internal environment, propagate the transmission of resources strongly related structures » Lemieux (Vincent), networks of social actors. Paris, University Presses of France, 1999, p.11.

* ²⁹ Cf, George (Susan), « Violences in Genoa : The liberal order with its low works », The diplomatic World, 08/2001, p.1.

* ³⁰ Bartélémy (Martine), associations : a new age of the participation, op.cit, p.75.

* ³¹ Flore Trautmann devoted its research to the role of Internet within Attac. Other work is in hand of which a report of a student of the IEP of Paris devoted to the militants of Attac, a report with the IEP of Lyon like two theses, one, devoted to the constitution of an associative memory and the other with the role of Internet within association. This research could not be useful to us not being completed or too being shifted with respect to our subject. However, we had recourse to the study of Thomas Marty devoted to the sociology of the Toulouse militants. Marty (Thomas), Sociology of association Attac Toulouse : Social positions with the cognitive standpoint. Sociological study by questionnaire and direct observation, memory for the diploma of the IEP of Toulouse, Tells (Claire) under the responsibility of, 1999/2000, p.155.

* ³² The three principal newspapers used are the Diplomatic World, which constitute a quasi official support of Attac, the World, which was selected because of its wealth of information, and Release which devoted many articles to association.

* ³³ For a history of national association and local group isérois, it is possible to refer to the appendix n°1, p. 5.

* ³⁴ First of all at the time of a weekend organized by Attac Isere in October 2000 at the Blue Hour (St Martin of Young stags-38), then during national bases of Attac in Saint-Brieuc (Coasts of Armor-22) October 27, and 28 2000 then with three general meetings of Attac Isere, two boards of directors as well as many meetings of commissions (groups « information », « interpellation of the elected officials », « tax havens », « AGCS ») in Attac Isere or with three permanences held in the coffee « Our-injury » of the downtown area of Grenoble.

* ³⁵ We thus took share with the distribution of leaflets « Danone » in front of a shopping center, at the day of action carried out against the tax havens, June 9, 2000, like with the mobilization of Genoa which took place in July 2001 at the time of the top of G8.

* ³⁶ It is about a space of discussion in which each member receives between 10 and 30 electronic mails per day, envoys generally by members on the topics of their choice. The topics of the discussions are very broad, that goes from the claims of Attac as the Tobin tax or the tax havens, with the actions carried out by Attac as at the time of the demonstrations of Nice or Genoa while passing by debates on the future prospects of Attac or the attempts at political recovery.

* ³⁸ It is deplored that June corresponded to one period of intense militant activity for the group Attac Isere (actions on the tax havens, preparation of the National Commission of the Local Committees (CNCL), preparation of the mobilization of Genoa), it was thus difficult to organize talks.

* ³⁹ For a more detailed biographical presentation of the talks : Cf, « Biographical presentation of surveyed », appendix n°25, p.53.

* ⁴⁰ Cf, « Presentation of the course of the talks », appendix n°25, p. 52.

* ⁴¹ Maintenance could not be completed since the person interviewed, being sick, wished to put an end to maintenance. It asked it besides twice, moreover it refused to answer several questions, either in a formal way, or while answering the question briefly. This person was not very motivated to accept maintenance during her unfolding ; she is located in addition in phase of defection, which explains its attitude partly.

* ⁴² Guy Michelat observes that « each individual is carrying the culture and the subcultures to which it belongs and which it of it is representative ». He adds : « We understand here by cultures the whole of the representations, effective valorizations, the practices, the social rules, the telegraphy codes ». Michelat (Guy), « On the use of not-directing maintenance in sociology », Re-examined French of Sociology, n°16, 1975, p. 232.

* ⁴³ That does not mean only it is necessary to stick to the speech held by the militants. It will act, contrary exceeding it.

* ⁴⁴ Stephan Beaud and Florence Weber note that in maintenance, « the problem is not [...] to obtain good answers. Essence and to gain confidence to inquire it, manage to include/understand it with half-word and with between (temporarily) in its universe (mental) ». Beaud (Stephan), Weber (Florence), Guide of the investigation of ground, Paris, the discovery, 1998, p.328.

* ⁴⁶ The discussion with Lionel could be retranscribed only partly because of a dysfunction of the tape recorder, after one hour of recording, the retranscription of the continuation of maintenance was thus carried out with the hand starting from catches of notes and the memories remaining.

* ⁴⁸ The guide of maintenance however was used for certain inquired which made the wish of it. It is the case for example of Fabien, professor of economy at the university. This one feared, not having never militated in Attac after its adhesion, not to be not in measurement of being able to help us. We immediately reassured it by ensuring to him that our work, had been prepared and that we lay out a unit of rather broad questions. That joined the remark that draw up Stephan Beaud and Florence Weber as for the utility of the guides of maintenance. This one varies much according to the social background of surveyed: in the presence of «people having of the cultural or authorized capital, the guide maintenance can be used as scientific guarantee», on the other hand, «with investigations in popular medium, the guide tends to officialize even more the situation of investigation [...] and to make more difficult the work of put in confidence. » Beaud (Stephan), Weber (Florence), op.cit.

* ⁴⁹ For example Thomas, former president d' Attac Isere, was brought to speak more specifically about the creation of the isérois group in which it took part and of the relations between the room and national. Laurent especially developed his feeling of distance and shift with the positioning of other militants of the isérois group, which it considers too radical. Julie who was implied less during maintenance, developed the actions led by the isérois group, as well as the relationships to the national group. François insisted on the international aspect of the claims and made a reading in terms of fight of classes. Fabien which attended a meeting of Attac forever, tried to justify its adhesion and its absence of participation.

* ⁵⁰ However we will not fail on several occasions to note the similarities between the speech of the militants and that of association.

* ⁵¹ The individual one is not negligible as it returns to a whole of social determinants which are as many constraints structural on the behavior of the individuals.

François: My engagement militant dates already a little since, I started to militate in 1992, therefore that will make soon ten years. Euh... What primarily pushed me to militate it is social justice, social inequalities...

* ⁵³ Associative rise is, as recalled by Stanislas Varennes, very difficult to quantify in a precise way. One evaluates however the figure of associations in France between 300.000 and 500.000. Varennes (Stanislas), associative militancy : to take part differently, Memory for the DEA of the IEP, Grenoble, Refusal (Bruno) directed by, 1990, p. 12.

* ⁵⁴ Among the members of the turnover one can quote Susan George, Gisele Halimi, Bernard Cassen.

* ⁵⁵ Cf, Eric All Saints' day, « To break the spiral of the debt », The Diplomatic World, September 1999, p. 23.

* ⁵⁶ Cf, Frederic Clairmont, « Threats on the world economy », The Diplomatic World, May 2001, p. 3.

* ⁵⁷ Cf, Ricardo Petrella, « Five traps tended to education », The Diplomatic World, October, 2000, p. 5.

* ⁵⁸ Cf, Frederic Clairmont, « These giant firms which are played of the States », The Diplomatic World, December 1999, p.19.

* ⁵⁹ Cf, Susan George, « How OMC was put in failure », The Diplomatic World, January 2000, p. 4.

* ⁶⁰ To adhere means « to agree », « to accept » but also « to hold », « to stick », « to apply », « to weld », « to attach ».

* ⁶² Lavabre (Marie-Claire), the red wire. Sociology of the communist memory, Paris, Presses of the FNSP, 1994, pp. 267-277.

* ⁶³ Halbwachs (Maurice), « Require of an emotional community », in the collective memory, Paris, PUF, 1968, p. 204. City in Lavabre (Marie-Claire), op.cit, p. 269.

* ⁶⁴ For example, one little to note that none the people interviewed is subscribed in the Diplomatic World

* ⁶⁵ This observation is of course not an isolated case but is used here like an example in order to facilitate the demonstration of the matter.

* ⁶⁶ It is possible to put in parallel this remark with the observations of Marie-Claire Lavabre. According to it, the communist identity is a construction which requires a whole of unceasingly renewed processes : «The communist identity is not given like the east the family or national identity : one is born communist only by metaphor and no one is not communist before to have chosen to be it, null does not remain it which does not make the choice renewed or transformed to persevere in its communist being ». Lavabre (Marie-Claire), op.cit, p.264.

* ⁶⁷ The concept of field belongs to the specific register of the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu. We will adopt for the moment a more general meaning by defining it as a whole of references common to a group.

* ⁶⁸ «This « us » all at the same time Community and member, are guaranteed by a whole of rites of entry and confirmation of the collective identity (charts and stamps of adhesion, annual ceremonies of renewal of adhesion, demonstrations external, distinguished, etc...) authenticating the specific quality of the associate members compared to « they » non-aligned of the outside of the grouping [...] ». Ion (Jacques), op.cit, p.29.

* ⁷⁰ Cf, Igniacio Ramonet « To disarm the markets », The Diplomatic World, December 1997, p.1. Cf, appendix n°10, p.26.

* ⁷² Cf, Attac, « At the beginning a leading article », All on Attac, p.10.

* ⁷³ One can read in the World one month before the creation of Attac : « All alone, or almost, the machine packed. It A is enough that, at the end of a leading article of the Diplomatic World, Igniacio Ramonet evokes the idea of a nongovernmental organization [...] so that readers of this monthly magazine in full expansion [...] are filled with enthusiasm. Letters by «thousands », accounts - substantial checks, establishment of local committees : the surprise is enormous, tells the director of the Diplomatic World. » in Way (ARIANE), Mauduit (Laurent), « The partisans of a tax on the financial transactions pass to « Attac » », the World, 8/05/1998, p.6.

* ⁷⁴ Its text is equipped with a strong share symbolic system which makes of him a «call ». For example, the semantic field of the democracy and the citizenship is very present in the text. It opposes a dépréciatif lexicon thus evoking world finance (« the generalized insecurity », it « jungle or the predatory ones will make the law », « the intolerable one ») with a speech which is attached to a whole of values « morals » (« the exercise of the democracy », them « guarantors of the common good », one « major civic building site », one « minimal democratic requirement », one « world tax of solidarity »).

* ⁷⁵ This mythification of the origin of association is reinforced, as we will see it, by the fact that association knew a very fast progression of its members.

* ⁷⁶Cassen (Bernard), « Attac : initially to include/understand », Popular Education : the return of the Utopia, Politis, n°29, 02-03/2000, Except series, p. 39.

* ⁸¹ This assumption would require more consequent developments which cannot be made here. However, this pleasing remark has to wonder at greater length about the registers of militancy which are proposed to the members.

* ⁸² Bernard Cassen indicates at the time of a conference : « the members, them, immediately found in the formula already quoted- a popular movement of education turned towards the action which fur proposed to them in April 1999 in the first number of our Ligne bulletin of Attac ». Cassen (Bernard), « We all are of learning, art.cit., p. 10.

* ⁸⁴ Christian testimony, which is a founder member of Attac, published an article devoted to Attac which was entitled « Attac, the revival of popular education ». Ginisty (Bernard), « Attac, the revival of popular education », Christian Testimony, 24/06/1999.

* ⁸⁶ Cassen (Bernard), « For associations « citizens » in catch on the social movement », in the diplomatic World, 06/1997, p. 20.

* ⁸⁷ The publications of Attac frequently refer to the League of the teaching which is described, among associations of popular education, like « the senior and the prototype ». The league of teaching was created in 1866 per Jean Macé. She is presented like a defender of the republican idea since she supported the laws on teaching in 1882 and the laic laws of 1901, 1904 and 1905. Cf, All on Attac, op.cit, p. 9.

* ⁸⁸ « What characterizes the educational movements (and that they name themselves of youth or « of popular education » is not indifferent), it is the taking into account specific of public which they tend to convert. What indeed distinguishes the majority from the movements, it is the interest for « low » [...] » in Ion (Jacques), end of the militants, op.cit, p. 41.

* ⁹² «This would not be that by the swelling of these manpower Attac constitutes, at the end of these two years of existence a phenomenon with counter-current of the main tendencies of the political life [...] the development of association indeed was essential like a counterexample on the decline generalized of the traditional militances [...]». Weil (Nicolas), « Attac. Ni normalizes Anglo-Saxon nor American model of dispute », The World, 5/06/2000, p. 6

* ⁹⁶ Dély (Renaud), Losson (Christophe), «the PS overflowed by the Attac beachcomber », Release, 21/06/2000, p. 12.

* ⁹⁷ F.K, « Attac, this left which obstructs the left », Express train, 14/06/2001, p. 92.

* ⁹⁸ Losson (Christophe), « Flies of the stage coach of Attac », Release, 27/08/2001, p. 9.

* ¹⁰² « One learns the every day from them on Attac : it is enough to consult the many regional newspaper cuttings which reach us daily and which bring back the plentiful activities of the local committees. Without speaking about the analyzes that publish in a rate/rhythm accelerated the national media and certain theoretical reviews, for which it is necessary to add the first university work. It is that the Attac phenomenon intrigues and sometimes even disconcerts ». Attac, All on Attac, op.cit, p. 7.

* ¹⁰³ The British philosopher Austin distinguished in his theory from the language two types of statements : certain statements have a constatative or descriptive function, while the statements performatifs correspond to acts of language, i.e. they are used to act on others. From this distinction, Austin will deduce that any act of stating is carrying contents locutoire (interpreted in term of direction) and of a value illocutoire of acts of speech. Austin defines the latter as being « an act carried out by saying something, par opposition à' act to say something ». Austin (John), How to C Things with words, Oxford U.P., 1962 ; transl. G. Lane, When to say, it is to make, Paris, Seuil, 1970, pp. 122-113. City in Morichère (Bernard), Philosophers and

* ¹⁰⁴ One can note besides that this is not the characteristic of Attac, since the methods used are close to that which Jose Bove had implemented at the time of the disassembling of McDonald' S of Milleau.

* ¹⁰⁵ One could quote, for example, a whole of articles of press devoted to unit demonstrations where the name of Attac is, very often, one of only which appears.

* ¹⁰⁶ These remarks were reported to us by militant of the committee isérois which took part in this demonstration, then they were confirmed by another Parisian militant met in Genoa. Not having taken part personally in this demonstration, we make a point of taking certain reserves on this information who would ask to be recut by other sources.

* ¹⁰⁷ We also could observe the dissatisfaction with several militants during the Summit of Genoa, for which the aim by the national direction of Attac would be above all, to obtain a certain media success, rather than to make really succeed the claims which the movement is carrying.

* ¹⁰⁸ J-P-F, « Under the sun ? Not exactly... », the Dauphine one Released, 2/05/2001.

* ¹⁰⁹ Meadows of 300.000 francs were thus collected. Cf Denis Pingaud, left of the left, op.cit, p. 97.

* ¹¹⁰ Bernard Cassen is also an academic. He was aggregate of English in 1961. He took part in the creation of the free faculty of Vincennes in May 68, with Hélénes Cixous and Pierre Domergues, who was during several years a platform and a window of the extreme left. He started a collaboration with the Diplomatic World. In 1981, the shortly after the victory of François Mitterrand, Jean-Pierre Chevènement the direction of Mission of the industrial, scientific and technical information entrusted to him (MIDIST). Then it decided to be devoted exclusively to monthly magazine. In addition, it occupies a European pulpit Jean Monnet at the university Paris VIII. Ibid, p. 99.

* ¹¹¹ Cf. « Charter of Attac association. Text adopted on June 3, 1998 », appendix n°7, p. 19.

* ¹¹² Cf « Statutes of Attac association adopted by the Parliament constitutive of June 3, 1998 », appendix n°8, p. 20.

* ¹¹⁴ Ibid, article 7-3. In addition one can note that since the launching of association twenty meetings of the turnover took place.

* ¹¹⁶ Trautmann (Flora), « Revolted Enthusiastic. Come from the four corners of France, the militants lengthily discussed identity of their movement », Humanity, 25/10/1999.

* ¹¹⁷ One can note that in spite of its name the College of the founders includes/understands certain people who did not take part in the foundation of Attac. Indeed, the statutes of association provide that can take part in the College, « the physical people and morals which created Association and those that they will indicate, in the majority of two thirds, to supplement them or replace them ». Cf appendix n°8, article 11. It is thus, which at the time of the turnover of the 29/03/1999, six people morals were unanimously adopted like founder members : the APEIS (Association for employment information and solidarity), TO ACT HERE, the UFAL (Union of the Laic Families), the CNAFAL (National Confederation of the Laic Families), the FFMJC (French Federation of the Houses of Young people and the Culture) and the League of teaching. Cf Attac France, « Report of the turnover of the 29/03/1999 ».

* ¹¹⁸ We will detail some of these organizations later on. Cf « Structures of association », appendix n°9, p. 24.

* ¹²⁰ « Located in the middle of the device of Attac, CS aims to produce information declined so as to be accessible by all, in all the forms, on the aspects of the international financial sphere, and to communicate it, in particular at the local and adherent committees of association. The council sets moreover the task to formulate specific proposals which could be used as a basis for campaigns of public actions. » Passet, (Rene), « An assessment at at the end of 2000 ».

* ¹²² Lines of Attac one 4 pages is published in a monthly way by the national direction. One can find there the positions official of association. The first number goes back to April 1999.

* ¹²⁷ The diplomatic World speaks about a «symbolic system choice by the preoccupation of decentralization of association and a its will to be particularly present in an area [...] where financial logics caused the most devastations». « Attac », The diplomatic World, 09/1998, p. 2.

* ¹²⁸ «One will note an absence in the statutes: that of the local committees, which however affirmed themselves like privileged places of the militant action. To tell the truth, none the founders had provided that they would experience such a development. This lapse of memory was largely repaired by a charter governing their relationship with the national direction of Attac, and by the adoption of standard statutes for those of them wishing to obtain a legal personality while being constituted in association ». Attac, All on Attac, op.cit, p. 107.

* ¹²⁹ « The local groups which wish it will be able to be constituted in association (Law 1901), the legal personality enabling them to open a bank account, to require subsidies, to hold municipal rooms, Of the same etc they could collect themselves adhesions. They would preserve the quarter of it (either 50 F out of 200 F for the tariff « credits ») and the 3/4 in Attac national would transfer ». Cf, Attac France, « Report of the turnover of the 18/11/1998 ».

* ¹³⁰ Cf, « Standard statutes of the local committees « law 1901 » », article 8-4.

* ¹³¹ Cf, Attac France, All on Attac, op.cit. and cf « Attac and Bercy », The diplomatic World, 11/1998, p. 6.

* ¹³³ Cf, Standard Statutes of the local committees « law 1901 », op.cit, article 4.

* ¹³⁴ Bazri (Nadia), « In Grenoble Attac organizes itself... », art.cit.

* ¹³⁸« The participation of half at least the members of the Board of directors is necessary for the validity of the deliberations ». Appendix n°14, article n°9. « The General meeting is composed of all the up to date members of their contribution. She meets each year. To be valid it must join together a third at least its members. » Ibid, article 10.

* ¹³⁹ We speak only about the most militant members of committee (J.K, T.I, P.O, who are in addition members of the turnover).

* ¹⁴¹ « Any member can ask for the inscription on the agenda of any question which it wishes to see treated. He addresses, to this end, a letter registered with acknowledgment of delivery to the president before the meeting of the Council which precedes the convocation by the General meeting. The Council takes a decision on this request ». Cf, appendix n°8, article 10-3, p. 22.

* ¹⁴² Attac Isere, « Position of Attac Isere on the adhesion of the parties and communities », 10.01.2000 appendix n°17, p. 35.

* ¹⁴³ Attac Isere, « Ask inscription on the agenda of l'AG 2000 d'Attac », 20.07.00, appendix n° 21, p. 41.

* ¹⁴⁴ Lines of Attac had published the names of the eight candidates who had been « invested » by their district « in order to clarify the vote of the members of Attac, since no one cannot know each candidate individually ». It was added : « It goes without saying, that whatever the degree of representativeness of each one of these candidatures, they all are beneficially legitimate and equal in right. They thus appear alphabetically, on the ballot paper, without mention of « nomination » by one « district » or by one or more committees ». One can note that on the eight introduced candidates in a collective way, all were elected with the A.C. Attac France, « All on bases of Ciotat. Elections : instructions ». Lines of Attac, Paris, n°3, 09/1999.

* ¹⁴⁵ Cf, « Flow chart of the process of reform of the statutes », appendix n°3, p. 9.

* ¹⁴⁹ « He [Bernard Cassen] announces, in addition, the difficulties of surmounting for a possible modification of the statutes, because of the very high quorums required with each stage. For current manpower, for example, it would be necessary that more than 14.000 members vote on first convocation, and more than 11.000, on the second convocation. However with St-Brieuc, they were only 4200 to vote... ». Attac France, « Report/ratio of the Board of directors », 11/11/2000, p. 3.

* ¹⁵⁰ In addition, it should be recalled that they are the founder members who initially wrote the statutes of association. They are thus at the same time judges and parts.

* ¹⁵¹ A publication of the national direction specifies that « This provision [the composition of the turnover] was designed to ensure the perenniality and the pluralism of Attac, while discouraging by very tentative advance of infiltration by an organized minority. The founder members, whose very great majority are people « morals », constitute the useful guarantee of the pluralism of Attac ». Attac Franc, « All on bases of Ciotat. Elections : instructions », Lines of Attac. Paris, n°3, 09/1999, p. 3.

* ¹⁵² The local committees of the VAr, Rennes and Paris criticized, at the time of AG, the operating mode of association have regard to the lack of democracy. Cf Forcari (Christophe), « Attac in full crisis of growth », Release, October 30, 2000.

* ¹⁵³ Attac France, « Report/ratio of the Board of directors of the 11/11/2000 », p. 3.

* ¹⁵⁴ Work of this commission seems for the moment to be directed towards the idea that a reform of the statutes is not desirable.

* ¹⁵⁵ One can note that inquired take, sometimes, a certain distance with the use which in is made. Julie specifies that it acts for her of a term « galvaudé », Lionel prefers speech of « representative republic : « I think that it is an antidemocratic system, moreover our sums not in a democracy because there is not the participation of all. We are in a representative republic. I have reserves to as use the word of the citizens, it is galvaudé so much as it does not mean any more large-thing ».

* ¹⁵⁶ One can observe that design of the direction (which is perceived like one « coordination ») developed by Luc and that of the national leaders is the same one.

* ¹⁵⁷ A debate took place at the time of the turnover of the 18/03/2000, during which an active member put on the agenda the problems of « internal democracy » within Attac. The report of the turnover notes : « It [the active member] notes the feeling which it invests its time with loss in its participation in the A.C. It melts this feeling on its astonishment renewed not not to be better associated the last actions (meeting of the European committees, that of the cultural actors, participation in the congress of the political parties and hopes - living Vaucluse - to be at least requested for the preparation of the action to the Festival of Avignon...). It raises the question of the role of the new elected officials with the turnover with the goal to optimize the organization for a pooling of the ideas and know-how and to prevent that a small number assumes capacity ». Cf, Attac France, « Report of the turnover of the 18/03/2000 ».

* ¹⁵⁸ Jacques Ion enumerates three qualities which were previously allotted to the set language : « Initially, unicity : the set language is one, and does not tolerate any divergent speech; it supposes a linked body, in a logic of combat where the least discordance could give taken to the adversary. Then, opacity : what is expressed with the collective can be the product of internal discussions, but nothing of this development must show through; to some extent, the decision escapes these individual enonciator to acquire, with the image of the law, a quasi-timeless statute [...] From where its third quality : if not fixity, at least relative permanence. As many characteristics now décriées : refusal of the individual expressions, not-transparency, inadequacy with reality, such are the reproaches most usually formulated ». Ion (Jacques), end of the militants, op.cit, p. 70.

* ¹⁶⁰ The preceding turnover comprised nine elected officials. It is specified in the management report that « five [are] present indeed at the meetings ». This is why, the new turnover elected on February 24, 2001 comprises from now on 18 members. Attac Isere, management Report, 2001.

* ¹⁶¹ To answer criticisms formulated at the time of the General meeting of February 24, 2001, a motion presented by the turnover was adopted for the preparation of an extraordinary General meeting : « AG of Attac-Isere joined together this 24 February 2001constatant the difficulties encountered in 2000 to elect the representatives with the General meeting of Attac-national on a position recognized by the majority of the members, asks for the convocation of an extraordinary General meeting in the month which will precede the national General meeting, in order to work out a majority position. This extraordinary General meeting, will transform itself into ordinary Parliament for the following exercises ». Attac Isere, Letter with the members, 05/2001.

* ¹⁶² Refusal (Bernard), « Political engagement », in Grawitz (Madelaine), Leca (Jean), Treated political science, Paris, PUF, Volume III, 1985, p. 361.

* ¹⁶⁴ Cecile is member of the A.C. However, it admits taking part in it very seldom.

* ¹⁶⁷ At the time of AG of St Brieuc, a letter intended for the members expressed the positions of the turnover isérois with respect to the national direction. It was concluded by a call to the members : « Consequently, we decided to vote against the management report, in order to sanction this democratic deficit and to assemble our will to obtain extraordinary AG to amend. We call all the members who join our analysis to be made in the same way ». Cf, « Letter with the members, « Call for the General meeting of Saint-Brieuc », 5/10/2000, appendix n° 22, p. 43.

* ¹⁶⁸ One can note that Lionel, which carries on the activity of psychologist, poses the problem in psychoanalytical terms. It would act, according to him, of a need for the militants isérois to obtain a recognition on behalf of « father ». (« One is a little in the dialectical difficult one of the son who reproaches his father and who seeks to be recognized »). In addition, one can bring this analysis closer to the remarks of Luc, according to whom « In Attac like elsewhere, there are some who do not want to be parricidal and the father it is Cassen in the business! ».

* ¹⁶⁹ The committee isérois forwarded a first mail in November 1999 to Bernard Cassen, about the statute of the deputies who are adherent of Attac. Cf, Guillot (Nicole), Reinisch (Raymond), « With the attention of Bernard Cassen », 11/1999, appendix n°15, p. 33. A second mail, voted within the turnover, was addressed to Cassen in February 2000 to express the dissension of the committee with the call of Morsang and the adhesion of the local authorities. Cf, turnover of Attac Isere, « With the attention of Bernard Cassen », 02/2000, appendix n°18, p. 37. Moreover, one file, which summarized the debates and the standpoint within the committee, had been sent in June 2000. Lastly, a proposal « of opening of a debate » was sent to Casse, by the turnover isérois to ask a reflection on the working procedure of association. Cf, turnover of Attac Isere, « Ask for opening of a debate », 20/07/2000, appendix n°20, p. 39. The four mails remained unanswered.

* ¹⁷⁰ « Blue hour » is a room of spectacle located on the commune of St Martin d' Hères. The term indicates within association one weekend of conferences which had been organized by the committee the 30/09 and the 1/10/2000.

* ¹⁷¹ « Devalued in the center by the political system, whose parties and institutions constitute the engine of it, the legitimate action takes refuge in the margins : with the periphery and in the specialized movements ». Lancelot (Alain), « Political S.O.S », Express train, 10/11/1989, p. 11. City in Varennes (Stanislas), associative militancy : to take part differently, op.cit.

* ¹⁷² Mehl (Domenica), « Culture and association », Sociology of work, n°1, 01/1982, p. 27. City in Varennes (Stanislas), associative militancy : to take part differently, op.cit.

* ¹⁷³ Ramonet (Igniacio), « To disarm the markets », art.cit, appendix n°10, p. 26

* ¹⁷⁴ A article published in the Diplomatic World summarizes the conclusions of this meeting : « The meeting highlighted the very strong interest for the creation of this ONG international answering the intended aims by Igniacio Ramonet in its leading article of December 1997 ». « Attac », The diplomatic World, 04/1998, p. 2.

* ¹⁷⁷Cf, Chantal Aumeran, Pierre Tartakowsky, management Report, General meeting of Attac Ciotat, October 23, 1999.

* ¹⁷⁸ Barthelemy (Martine), associations : a new age of the participation, op.cit, p. 222.

* ¹⁸⁰ Jacques Ion indicates these criticisms by the term of denunciation of « practical of apparatuses ». He notices, moreover, that a semantic change of the term « apparatus » place had. It is equipped today with a pejorative connotation. It would be connected with what concerns « surface and of the rigid one ». Ion (Jacques), end of the militants, op.cit, p. 67.

* ¹⁸¹Pallard (Jacques), « Social reports/ratios, political strategies and community life », Sociology of work, n°3, 07-09/1981, p. 323. City in Varennes (Stanislas), associative militancy : to take part differently, op.cit.

* ¹⁸² Philippe Theyr notes that one of the virtues principal such organizations [associations] would be to be strongly mobilizing, while being slightly treated on a hierarchical basis and constraining » in Theyr (Philippe), « Reflections on the associative development », Re-examined social economy, 04-06/1985, p.130. City in Varennes (Stanislas), op.cit.

* ¹⁸³ One can observe that the leaders describe Attac like a flexible structure. Indeed, the autonomy of the local committees is often proposed within the official booklets or in the press. « This expansion, this diversity also comes from the structure even of association. A word summarizes it : flexibility. The committees work in all autonomy what facilitates the assumption of responsibility of initiatives the most original ones that the others ». « Attac, an idea which goes », Humanity hebdo, 23-24/10/1999, p. 12.

* ¹⁸⁴ It is about a group of economists which was founded following « Call counters the single thought ».

* ¹⁸⁵ « Engagement does not suppose any more one total step of adhesion, but one « compartmental agreement » ». Reynaud (Emmanuelle), in Mendras (Henri), wisdom and the disorder, Paris, ED Gallimard, 1980, pp. 271-286.

* ¹⁸⁷ The course of the public meetings is carried out within the committee according to a strictly lawful process. An agenda was previously established by the A.C. the speeches take place in turn and it is interdict to cut the word to the speaker in progress. Moreover, in order to respect a time planning, each intervention is delimited in time.

* ¹⁹⁰ Cf, Attac Isere, « Report of the General meeting of Attac Isere-38 », Grenoble, 24/02/2001.

* ¹⁹¹ Perhaps it is possible to explain this paradox, as we already did previously, by the fact that the militants isérois wish the recognition of the committee in the national statutes. The step with respect to the national (the respect of the statutes) implies that the militants adopt the same position within the committee isérois. However, it would be more about a formal attachment of a real conviction.

* ¹⁹² Cf, Refusal (Bernard), Lecomte (Patrick), Sociology of the policy, 1990, p. 159.

* ¹⁹³ At the time of an international seminar devoted to the Tobin Tax, it was agreed in connection with the economic crises of 1997 that « the mode of globalized finance, born from the liberalization and the deregulation of flows of capital, takes a responsibility crushing in the advent for this state of affairs ». Attac France, « Why the Tobin tax », text adopted by the international seminar economists brought together by Attac, which was held at the house from the Latin America in Paris, 25/01/1999 in All on Attac, p. 73.

* ¹⁹⁴ Ramonet (Igniacio), «To disarm the markets », op.cit, appendix n°10, p. 26.

* ¹⁹⁵ One can specify that as opposed to what one could think, it is not for his proposal for a tax that James Tobin A accepted the Nobel Prize of economy in 1981 but for his work on the composition of the door sheets of the speculative funds. The fact that Tobin is Nobel of economy is present at the time of each presentation of the tax which association publishes. That testifies, according to us, of an attempt at crédibiliser the idea of the tax by the reputation of its author. Cf, Sahuc (Michel), « The Tobin tax : palliative care of capitalism », The libertarian World, 17/- 23/12/1998.

* ¹⁹⁶ François Chesnais notes besides that the proposal of Tobin is very largely inspired by an idea formulated by Keynes into 1936 in connection with the stock exchange markets : « The creation of a heavy tax of State striking all the transactions would appear perhaps most salutary of measurements making it possible to attenuate in EtatsUnis- the prevalence of the speculation on the company. » Keynes, the general theory of employment, the interest, the currency, Chapter 12 in François Chesnais, Tobin gold not Tobin. An international tax on the capital, Paris, Spirit-rapper, 1998, p. 59.

* ¹⁹⁷ An international conference was taken place in EtatsUnis-, in Bretton Woods in 1944 in which the participants agreed on the creation of a monetary system whose objective was to overcome monetary and financial instability chronic years 1920 and 1930. The angular stone of this system was the convertibility of the gold dollar ata fixed rate, the rate of exchange of the other currencies being determined in their turn by reference to the dollar. This system ended at the beginning of the Seventies. The deficit growing of the American budget caused a strong speculative push on gold in 1971, forcing the American federal authorities to put an end to the convertibility of the dollar out of gold. Monetary stability taken end and the principal industrialized countries made « to float » their currency. The rate of exchange with respect to the other currencies from now on was fixed by the play of supply and. The rates are reflected to vary the ones compared to the others in an important way and it became possible to speculate by carrying out transactions in a short lapse of time. Ibid, p. 19.

* ¹⁹⁸ Nicolas Kaldor, disciple direct of Keynes, defined the speculation as a «operation nonrelated to the advantage holding with the use of a good or an unspecified transformation. » Ibid, p. 25

* ¹⁹⁹ Tobin stresses that « what it is necessary to specify for a country, it is the possibility of having a minimum of independent national monetary policy. Here what interests me ». The World, 17/11/1998.

* ²⁰¹ François Chesnais, member of the scientific Council of Attac, observes that «When he formulated his proposal in 1972, James Tobin wanted to preserve it «real economy » of the interference of finance and to preserve the autonomy of the governments as regards macro-economic policy [...] The concern for Tobin was to prevent that the markets of currencies become one of the arenas of the speculation ». Faujas (Alain), «misadventures of the Tobin tax or how to calm the speculation financial? », The World, Supplement the World Economy, 1/09/1998, p. 6.

* ²⁰² During an interview, it declared : « To tell the truth, in Europe, one was often mistaken on the direction in my tax. It was thought that I wanted to tax the movements of capital to release from the resources which would go to an international organization like UNO, which would put them at the service of the development or L `environment. It was not at all my priority ». The World, 17/11/1998.

* ²⁰³ In 1970, the world volume of the daily transactions on the foreign exchange market rose to 10 billion dollars. It passed to 75 billion in 1980, 500 billion in 1990 and 1.800 billion in 1997. Only 7 or 8% of these transactions would correspond to commercial payments. Cf, Chesnais (François), op.cit, p. 52.

* ²⁰⁴ Sahuc (Michel), « The Tobin tax : palliative care of capitalism », op.cit.

* ²⁰⁵ Fabre (Clarisse), « The Attac committee of the French National Assembly prepares her offensive », the World, 23/09/1999.

* ²⁰⁶ The charter founder of Attac notes that «Even fixed ata particularly low rate of 0,05%, the Tobin tax would pay nearly 100 billion dollars per annum. Collected, essentially, by the industrialized countries where the great money markets are localized, this sum could be transferred with the international organizations for actions of fight against the inequalities, for promotion of education and the public health in the poor countries, for food safety and the durable development», cf appendix n°7, p. 19.

* ²⁰⁷ Ramonet (Igniacio), « To disarm the markets », op.cit, appendix n°10, p.26

* ²⁰⁸ « There remains duty of each national State to follow policies of social protection and solidarity, education, public health, and environmental protection, and to envisage the budgets necessary. » The scientific Council of Attac, « Ten questions about the Tobin tax ».

* ²⁰⁹ A member of Attac wrote in this direction on Internet : « On the other hand there is an error on the intentions of Tobin when it proposed its tax, for him the collected money it was card-indexed some [...] In fact Attac made of Tobin an economist with humanistic aimings whereas the goal of its tax is of a purely technical nature and clearly reformist. » Acounis (Henri), « Extract of the daily newspaper the Duty of May 6, 2001 », http://www.attac-talkg.org. 8/05/2001.

* ²¹⁰ Cf, ARIANE Way, Laurent Mauduit, «the ministry for finances consider unrealistic a tax on the movements of capital», the World, 2/10/1998, p. 7.

* ²¹¹ One can note besides that the direction which the founders of Attac give to the Tobin tax is hardly different but that which Tobin itself granted to him, namely to return to the States a share of their autonomy and their margin of action.

* ²¹² Cf, Attac France, « Why the Tobin tax » in All on Attac, op.cit, p. 72.

* ²¹⁴ The financial transactions comprise three dimensions : monetary transactions, obligations and actions.

* ²¹⁵ « Very quickly, we became aware that this objective, if important that it is, remained restrictive, because the imposition of the speculative operations [...] is by no means only possible measurement to somewhat control the devastations of the capital in madness. » Cassen, (Bernard), To include/understand and act with Attac, op.cit.

* ²¹⁶ Inquired seem to attach rather little importance to this widening. Seule Julie which adhered to the beginning of association evoked. It is, in addition, one of the persons in charge for the group « economy » what explains can be its attachment with this idea

Julie : « Moreover the name of Attac, it is the tax on the financial transactions and it is much broader than the Tobin tax. The Tobin tax plays on the money markets and on the change of currency, the tax on the financial transactions it is that, but they is also the actions, the funds of pension, i.e. these financial flows which do not obey any law [...] There was much discussion at the beginning, the proposal of Ramonet it was a taxation centered on the Tobin tax but during its creation there was a reflection at the national level between the founder members and one decided a tax on the financial transactions. And it was already much broader than the tax Tobin, it was a questioning of the way in which circulates free money of way and without control. »

* ²¹⁷ Cf, Attac France, «Platform of the international movement « Attac » », 11-12/12/1998.

* ²¹⁸ « Some think that the Tobin tax would be ineffective, because the financial operators could circumvent it. But it is the characteristic of all the taxes to be confronted with tax avoidance [...] The implementation of this tax requires that one attack the tax havens. ». The Council scientic of Attac France, « Why the Tobin tax », in All on Attac, op.cit, p. 71.

* ²²² One can note that they are there only the claims supported by the head office of Attac. It will be a question of the claims specific to the local committees thereafter.

* ²²³ The scientific Council, «To prevent the hold up the transnational ones on the alive one », 06/1999. In All on Attac, op.cit, p. 96.

* ²²⁴ Declaration of the office of Attac, «To sanction the ecological serious crime and to found the personal penal responsibility for the chairmen », 4/01/2000, in All on Attac, op.cit, p. 53.

* ²²⁵ Letter of the office to the organizers of the local committees, «Against the stock exchange speculation at the school », 8/03/00, in All on Attac, op.cit, p. 62.

* ²²⁶ « The national office of Attac decided to join the call of the four organizations of unemployeds- AC! , APEIS, CGT unemployeds and MNCP counter the Plan of assistance to the return to the employment (AVOIDS) signed by the Movement of the companies of France (Medef) and two trade-union confederations minority, and it asks the government to refuse to endorse such a project ». Attac France, Official statement, Paris, 03/07/2000. The office signed the petition against the project AVOIDS proposed by movements of unemployeds.

* ²²⁷ « Attac can only denounce the attitude of Danone, multinational French in full health, which destroys the life of those which took part in the profits records announced in 2000 [...] Attac decided to join the call to the boycott Danone products launched by the employees of the companies of Calais and at Laugh-Orangis and incites all its committees and groups local and adherent to mobilize and sensitize our fellow-citizens on the spot of sale ». Attac France, Official statement, Paris, 04/01/2001. http://www.attac.org.html

* ²²⁸ It is important to recall that the local committees are autonomous and they are free to give an any opinion provided that that Ci respects the charter of association.

* ²³⁰ One can note that it did not start yet to function truly and that no meeting took place for lack of a sufficient assumption of responsibility.

* ²³¹ « The Tobin tax appears as a «door of entry» teaching, accessible and serious on the stakes of the financial crisis and the international financial order; by laying down the objective to reduce the inequalities and the room for maneuver of logics of which they proceed, it draws the possibility of a «other world» ». Aumeran (Chantal), Tartakowsky (Pierre), « Management report », General meeting of Attac, Ciotat, October 23, 1999.

* ²³² Its vocation «is not to bring together only the women of Attac 14th nor to create a pole which functions in a peripheral and marginal way thus exempting totality of the militants of the reflection on the subject. The goal is contrary to carrying inside the Attac committee, for all the tackled subjects, the dimension of the women, by showing that a sexuée analysis could be made on topics like the economic reports/ratios, violence or health. » In Group «women and universalization» of Attac 14th, http://www.local.attac.org/attac14groupe01.htmhttp://www.local.attac.org/paris14/FM/Archives/attac14groupefm07.htm

* ²³⁴ « The topic «Women and Universalization » mobilized several members of Attac in a national ' think tank ' of which the ambition is to convince of the need for integrating the kind in all the analyzes. The analysis of kind is a transverse dimension with all the grounds occupied by Attac, and not an adjacent field of action. » In Problems of the set of themes group «Women and universalization» of Attac, exposed to the scientific Council, June 2000, http://www.local.attac.org/paris14/FM/Archives/attac14groupefm17.htmhttp://www.local.attac.org/paris14/FM/Archives/attac14groupefm17.htm consulted the 30/07/2001.

* ²³⁵ We knew that certain members (by the means of Internet site Attac talk) rejected the participation of Attac in the boycott, generally because of the risk of amalgam with the role of the trade unions.

* ²³⁶ One can notice that Laurent during maintenance expresses on several occasions his refusal of épidermiques reactions too much the « » and too «brutal ». It would seem that it included the boycott in those Ci.

* ²³⁷ These three members are those which we considered in introduction the least implied into the committee isérois. One can suppose that the assimilation of the claims would progress in an increasing way with integration of the individuals to association. The implication of the members would then account for the difference of the points of view.

* ²³⁸ Short-nap cloth the Face, is defined as a «Network of fight antifascist » which was founded in 1996 by a text of call writing by Gilles Perrault entitled « the Call of the 250 ». The network gathers more than one hundred collectives in France around a charter, in which figure the common objective to defend : « Present on all the grounds where develops the extreme line ideology, these committees, networks or simple militant teams chose to fight [for] to analyze the reasons of this rise to power of the national Face ». The movement is not limited to the National Face and was extended to other claims such as the fight against the laws Pasqua, the fight against any policy or racist act, the defense of the women's rights, in particular the right to the abortion, the fight against unemployment, regarded as the «manure on which the ideas of the national Face thrive ». Inquired insist on the fact that the organization of Short-nap cloth the Face is much more «loose » that that which governs Attac since the whole of the actions decide between the collectives and that the national occupies a place much more reduced there. In the same way, according to them, the relations are much more abstract there

* ²⁴⁰ The local committee isérois maintains the relationships to many associations, the MRAP for the question of racism, the country confederation for the problem of ecology, the Center of Cancellation of the Debt of the Third World (C.ADTM). We will specify these relations in the continuation of our work.

* ²⁴¹ One of inquired (Thomas) spontaneously tackled the problem of the «marchandisation of the culture » in the course of maintenance in order to assemble in what it is about a problem on which Attac a right to speak has : «There is a culture group in Attac which was set up and that moves [...] One wants a culture for any world and one refuses the marchandisation of the works of art that they are paintings, musical sculptures, works. I think that that can have its importance in the periphery of the economic problems, i.e. the individual is also, it is an individual who has vital needs, fundamental needs [and] for the needs for creation. It is a creator and on all the levels [...] It is necessary to pass à ce moment-là by schools, even if one needs a training for a certain level, today this training is intended for elites and so that it is profitable. I think that Attac of something with saying because that belonged to the basic rights».

* ²⁴³ Julien Freund defines the conflict as « the calling into question of a report/ratio of forces or an uneven relation between the social actors, or like the confrontation between two beings or groups which express a hostile intention in connection with a right ». Freund (Julien), Sociology of the conflict, Paris, PUF, 1983, p. 240.

* ²⁴⁴ Cf Didier Lapeyronnie, « The revival of the social conflicts », Social sciences, Out of the ordinary n°26, 09/10/1999, pp. 50-54.

* ²⁴⁷ The rate of unionization was into 1968 of 16%, 1978 of 17,6% and 1988 of 9,6%. Cf Mouriaux (Rene) « Trade unions under Ve République » in Chagnollaud (Domenica) directed by, political life to France. Paris, ED of the Threshold, 1993, pp. 344-364.

* ²⁴⁸ Cf, Aguiton (Christophe), « Tracks for a trade-union revival of the social movements », 01/1997. In Aguiton (Christophe), Bensaïd (Daniel), the return of the social question, ED Page Two, Lausanne, 1997, p. 215.

* ²⁵⁰ One can note that these are the same categories of population which will constitute the principal actors of the social conflicts of the years 1990.

* ²⁵¹ One can quote like example of this type of conflict, the coordination of the nurses who have mile in 1998. Cf Lapeyronnie (Didier), art.cit, p. 51.

* ²⁵² Cf Lopez (Veronique), « New countervailing powers », in Politis, 9/11/2000, pp. 26-31.

* ²⁵³ For a presentation of associations which are founder members of Attac, cf, «Networks of Attacants», appendix n°6, p. 14.

* ²⁵⁴ The strike of the railwaymen began on 17 November and taken end on January 9. Cf Béroud (Sophie), Mouriaux (Rene), Vakaloulis (Michel), the social movement in France. Political test of sociology, ED the argument, Paris, 1998, Chronology, p. 207.

* ²⁵⁵ Cf, Wievorka (Michel), « Necessary a aggiornamento », in New glances, n°12, Winter 2000.

* ²⁵⁶ December 7 the trade unions took part in one day of action national and interprofessional.

* ²⁵⁷ Demonstrations took place on November 25 in Paris, Bordeaux, Marseilles and Toulon.

* ²⁵⁸ In December 1995, association Rights In front ! ! it launched « call of without » at the time of the occupation of the Beaubourg center in Paris.

* ²⁵⁹ The national day of action of December 12 brought together 985.000 people according to the ministry for the interior and 2, 2 million according to trade unions' and that of December 16 gathered between 585.000 people according to the ministry for the interior and two million according to trade unions'.

* ²⁶⁰ According to a survey, 57% of paid public sector, 53% of paid private sector and 58% of the unemployeds approved the strikes of December 1995.

* ²⁶¹ Cf, Duhancourt (Pierre), « Practical work », in New glances, n°12, Winter 2000, p. 7.

* ²⁶² This movement proceeded in three stages. First of all, the complaint stalemate unemployeds of a premium of Christmas, then occupation of Assedic about the amount of the allowance unemployment, and finally a claim with the full employment addressed towards employers.

* ²⁶³ Daniel Bensaïd notes that « one speculated already much in the significance of this social explosion. A many journalists want to see there the last antiquated strike at one time which is completed. And why not the first great strike antilibérale of the century which comes ? ». Bensaïd (Daniel), op.cit, p. 110.

* ²⁶⁴ Cf Béroud (Sophie), Mouriaux (Rene), Vakaloulis (Michel), op.cit, p. 222.

* ²⁶⁵ « These conflicts cannot be held for fights of fold on the company : they crystallize broad social alliances on the topic « we do not want to die » and rather widen the space of fight for employment ». Perret (Jean Marrie), « Two years of social fights in the private one », in Test of location 96-97, Books of Ressy, N°1, March 1998, p. 6. City in Béroud (Sophie), Mouriaux (Rene), Vakaloulis (Michel), op.cit, p. 167.

* ²⁶⁶ We will accept the definition that Sidney Tarrow gives some who has the advantage of stressing the form of a social movement and on affinities of his participants as on the relations that they maintain with the actors external with this one. It defines a social movement as «a collective dispute with common objectives and a feeling of solidarity in an interaction prolonged with elites, opponents and authorities». Sidney Tarrow, Power in movement, social movements, collective action and politics, Cambridge University Near, 1994, p. 3.

* ²⁶⁷ Ansart (Pierre), contemporary sociologies, Paris, ED of the Threshold, collect « Points », 1990, p. 342.

* ²⁶⁸ Cf, Touraine (Alain), « The voice and the glance », in Sociology of the social movements, ED of the Threshold, Paris, 1978, p. 48.

* ²⁶⁹ One can note that this criticism is also that which Wievorka carries to the strikes of December 1995. Cf, Aguiton (Christophe), Bensaïd (Daniel), the return of the social question, op.cit, p. 64.

* ²⁷¹ Cf Touraine (Alain), the great refusal, Reflections on the strike of December 1995, Paris, Beech, 1996, p. 320.

* ²⁷² Béroud (Sophie), Mouriaux (Rene), Vakaloulis (Michel), op.cit, p. 46.

* ²⁷³ One can quote Christophe Aguiton, Daniel Bensaïd, Sophie Béroud, Rene Mouriaux and Michel Vakaloulis.

* ²⁷⁴ « During its development the mobilized actors make the experiment of their own force, realize that it is possible to make « another thing », discuss on famous problems « complicated » such as social protection, usually reserved to the only specialists ». Béroud (Sophie), Mouriaux (Rene), Vakaloulis (Michel), op.cit, p. 120.

* ²⁷⁵ « « project » by the social movement does not precede the cognitive mobilization by the actors in fight, it presupposes it ». Ibid, p. 125.

* ²⁷⁶ « Some will undoubtedly object with good direction, that to require as many criteria, as much conscience, to require of him on such a level, to claim from the start to him a project « sociétal » alternate, it « social movement » risk extremely well to become an object « sociologiquement untraceable ». It is rare indeed that the conscience precedes the action, that a movement is born from a model or an idea, and not by a fight, of a conflict of interest. The conscience comes while going ». Aguiton (Christophe), Bensaïd (Daniel), op.cit, p. 9.

* ²⁷⁷ Béroud (Sophie), Mouriaux (Rene), Vakaloulis (Michel), op.cit, p. 110.

* ²⁷⁸ « The widening of the strike to others paid of the sector public [...] politically reinforce the mobilization of the first sector and emphasizes the power of the social movement in its multisector dimension. This extension is the objective base which makes it possible to register strategically and ideologically the fight against the Juppe plan in the logic of defense not only of social protection but of the service public as tel. the central objective remains the withdrawal of the governmental reform. But it catalyzes from now on a capital political dispute, that of the modernization of « Social State » ». Idid, p. 114.

* ²⁷⁹Christophe Aguiton notes that « if there must remain a strong idea of this revival militant, it is the conviction that it is possible to act, to change the things. Against any fatalism which before deferred the decision to « those of in top », the movements of these last years expressed a formidable aspiration to take in hands the businesses of the city and to build its own future consciously ! ». Aguiton (Christophe), « To militate », The world of education, June 1997. In Aguiton Christophe), Bensïd (Daniel), the return of the social question, p. 205.

* ²⁸⁰ Isabelle states to consider it regrettable that following the events of 1995, of the structures did not set up themselves to accompany this « ask action » and that the movement of dispute is « fallen flat ». That joined the idea that Attac took again on its account the dispute which was expressed already in 1995.

* ²⁸³ « A social movement is not defined only by the will of its actors to begin in the life of the city and to organize themselves there to assert their rights or of the new rights. A social movement, it is especially a history born of the spirit at the same time of the actors and spectators ». Guilhaumou (Jacques), word of without. Current movements the French revolution proof. Paris, ENS edition, 1998, p. 13.

* ²⁸⁶ In spite of the binary structure of the demonstration, which opposes it « old » mode of mobilization, with « news » forms, which was adopted in order to make more explicit the matter, the visible cut is not also clear.

* ²⁸⁹ «Of the members of South will prefer then to hang their banner trade-union if they go against unemployment, or that of the petitioners if they express against the law Debré». Ibid, p. 200.

* ²⁹¹ Thus Michel Vakaloulis observes that during social conflicts of the Eighties ten, « networks were well constituted around the defense of « without », constellation effervescent which joins together various associations with the radical practices (DAL, Droits In front ! ! Committee of without home) of the political groups of extreme left and the trade unions engaged from their combative opposition, their situation of opposition, their need for leaving a catégoriel insulation or from a reflection on the implications related to their professional positioning ». Béroud (Sophie), Mouriaux (Rene), Vakaloulis (Michel), op.cit, p. 183.

* ²⁹² One can quote the tops of the World Organization of Trade (OMC), the World Bank (BM), the International Monetary International Monetary Funds (the IMF) and of the Organization for the Co-operation and the Development in Europe (OECD).

* ²⁹³ One can quote for example G-8 which gathers each year the eight most industrialized countries planet or the top of Davos which gathers the economic personalities and the decision makers.

* ²⁹⁵Gus Masiah, president of the International association expert and enquiring technicians (Aitec), declared that «[demonstrations organized at the time of the against-tops] marked the entry in scene of the social movements ; an alliance which found a point of organ at the time of the demonstrations of opposition to the conference of OMC in Seattle, at the end of 1999 : one attended a coalition in fact gathering of ONG, of the movements consumerists ecologists, peasants, of defense of the rights of « without », etc One saw the birth of a world social movement ». Ibid

* ²⁹⁶ Cf, Observatory of universalization, Light on the FRIEND. The test of Dracula, Paris, the Spirit-rapper, 1998, p. 83.

* ²⁹⁷ The Observatory of universalization specifies that the project of the FRIEND comprises three shutters : « The first consists in granting to the agreement in negotiation the legal statute of the treaty, highest in the hierarchy of the sources of right. The second creates, beside the national means of recourse offered to « investors », an autonomous legal system interns with the FRIEND, who allows the industrial and financial groups carrying out transnational operations to quote the States in front of the courts of arbitration which are neither more nor less than international commercial courts. Lastly, the draft treaty sets up a very erudite device intended to give to measurements of deregulation a character of irreversibility and to make evolve/move the text of the FRIEND in the direction of a liberalization increasingly more complete ». Ibid, p. 45.

* ²⁹⁸ One can suppose that the constitution of association would not be without relationship with this event. The launching of the association which was perhaps in preparation would have been decided because of the topicality which was favorable to the movement.

* ³⁰⁰ The Summit of Geneva was to be used to take stock of the social progress accomplished in the world since the Summit of Copenhagen in 1995. At the time of that Ci the international community had laid down objectives to be reached as regards reduction of poverty and the inequalities in the world. After five years, the posted objectives were not achieved and the conference of Copenhagen was considered by the president of the general assembly of UNO (Théo Ben Gurirab) and by his secretary-general (Kofi Annan) a failure.

* ³⁰¹« Concept with variable geometry, the associative participation is here defined like a voluntary process of mobilization of the individuals in a group made up more or less durable and intervening in the public sphere ». Bathélémy (Martine), op.cit, p. 12.

* ³⁰²Cf, Dumont (Louis), Tests on individualism, Paris, the Threshold, 1983.

* ³⁰⁴« The associative fact is spread with the interface of primariness [register dominating of the family and the sociability of the traditional type] and of the secondarity [clean field of the economy and the politico-administrative sphere], of the organic community and the contractual company or, better, than it operates a mixing and a transformation of opposed logics, making it possible to achieve functional tasks [concerning principle member] in the form of personalization [concerning the Community principle] » Curdled (Alain), « Gift, association and solidarity » in Producing solidarity : the share of associations. Paris, Test card, 1998, p. 31. quoted in Bathélémy (Martine), op.cit.

* ³⁰⁹ The observatory of the social and cultural change observed, starting from the beginning of the Sixties, the development of very intense community life. This phase was characterized by the emergence and the revival of family associations (Popular Association of the Families, Trade-union Confédération of the framework of Life, etc), of cultural promotion or of popular education (Frenchwomen Federation of the Houses of Young people and the Culture, Léo Lagrange).

* ³¹¹ « The evolution of the statute of the actors of the collective action is to be brought closer the advent of a new phase « post-modern » of the general process of individualization to work since about thirty D `years in the industrial and democratic companies ». Barthelemy (Martine), op.cit, p.143.

* ³¹⁴ To describe this process, Hannertz speaks about a consideration of « anonymous atoms » with the taking into account of « actors moving ». Cf Hannertz (Ulf), To explore the city, transl. franc. Issac Joseph, ED of Midnight, Paris, 1983, 420 p. Cité in Ion (Jacques), op.cit, p. 50.

* ³¹⁵ François de Singly notes that « the contemporary individual wishes the invention of a model of bond [social] which authorizes it to remain oneself (, better, to even contribute to even becoming him) within a group, of an association ». De Singly (François), Individualism and social bond, p. 34. City in Barthelemy (Martine), op.cit, p. 145.

* ³¹⁶ « One wants to indicate by there the possibility, yesterday extremely rare, that the same person can exceed the limits of her constellation of membership ». Ion (Jacques), op.cit, p. 49.

* ³¹⁸ « At the sides of « militants » that their last engagements and their routes define a priori as « policies », of the individuals intervene in public space, initially starting from their personal experiment, that this oneself that of the unemployed or the user of transport, that of the HIV positive or the handicapped person, that of the homeless person or abroad ». Barthelemy (Martine), op.cit, p.156.

* ³¹⁹ « Insertion in the conglomerates replaces the possibility of pluri-memberships structurally independent from/to each other and only connected by the subject itself. The network is not thus any more one initial data, it is the result of the action ». Ion (Jacques), op.cit, p. 80.

* ³²⁰ Denis Pingaud, in his work left of the left, described them « tribes of the radical left ». The author describes these tribes: « They are proclaimed 100% on the left but do not like Lionel Jospin [...] Their ranks and file of a union and associative are solid, their electoral influence continues. Inventive and obstinate they continue in other forms the combat of the generation of May 68. Their endurance counters the winds and tides of liberalism forces the respect of part of the people of left. They are the tribes of the radical left, in other words left of the left. » It distinguishes four groups which have each one a respective territory : associations which appeared since 1990 and which have a mode of action protester and radical (agitators), the trade unions dissenting which were born from the scission with the traditional power stations, ' think tanks ' which occupy a role of counter-evaluation in the mobilizations antilibérales (scientists) and political formations of extreme left. Pingaud (Denis), op.cit, p. 9.

* ³²¹ The table in appendix presents the principal organizations which are founders of Attac. We privileged most recent, who testify, according to us, of the social radicality from which association results. One will privilege here the place of these organizations in Attac. Cf, appendix n°6, p. 14.

* ³²² In a platform published in the World, Bourdieu declared « It [the proclamation] mark the beginning of a vast collective work [...] aiming at defining the principles of a true political alternative to the néo-liberal policy which tends to be essential in all the countries, sometimes under the aegis of social the democracy, and to invent the organisational and institutional means necessary to impose the implementation of it [...] It is important to gather, initially on the European scale, the collectives concerned, trade unions, associations and ONG of fight for the basic rights, in an organized network, whose form is to be invented, which is able to cumulate the forces, to orchestrate the objectives, and to work out joint projects ». Bourdieu (Pierre), « For States General of the European social movement », The World, April 2000.

* ³²³ Julien Lusson, with the title of Aitec, Richard Dethyre, for Apeis and Vincent Spain as a representative of Rights fronts ! are members of the A.C.

* ³²⁴ One little to note that among the members of the turnover appear Jean-Pierre Beauvais in the title of the review Politis and Bernard Ginisty with the title of Christian the Témoignage review.

* ³²⁵ Rene Passet, the president of the scientific Council specifies that it is about a regrouping « people come from different backgrounds. Some are keynésiens, other Marxists, and others still one joined us by the means of the economy of the development or the world problems of the environment ». Faujas (Alain), «misadventures of the Tobin tax or how to calm the speculation financial? », The World, Supplement the World Economy, 1/09/1998, p. 6.

* ³²⁶ « More than of a council - evoking a closed structure - it is of a network - structure ramified, opened, not hierarchical and likely to extend according to the needs - which it is appropriate to speak. » Passet (Renet), « An assessment at at the end of 2000 »

* ³²⁷ Bensaïd (Daniel), « Liberal Counter-Reformation and popular rebellion », in New left review, n°215, 01/02/1996. City in Aguiton (Christophe), Bensaïd (Daniel), the return of the social question, op.cit, pp. 104-122.

* ³²⁹ Michel Charon, secretary national of CFDT, devalued associations protesters such as the DAL or Rights In front ! : « Without anything to propose the alternate one, new associations do not build anything. CFDT cooperates with associations of invention like the Restaurants of the Heart to the concrete and effective intervention on the ground ». Charon (Michel), « New Social Movements, hussards of here and now », in CFDT Magazine, n°216, June 1996.

* ³³⁰ Cf, Béroud (Sophie), Mouriaux (Rene), Vakaloulis (Michel), op.cit, p. 146.

* ³³² Jean-Christophe Chaumeron, the representative of the Federation of CGT finances, is member of the turnover of Attac.

* ³³³ Tartakowsky was high in a communist militant culture. His/her father, journalist with humanity, were one of the organizers of EGO, the organization of PCF for immigration. His/her mother, responsible CGT, took part in the rebuilding of the power station to the release. It was made known, like man of apparatuses, at the beginning of the Eighties, by its participation in the resumption in brutal hand of Antoinette, the female monthly magazine of CGT, for part of the team had been laid off to have wanted to apply the line of opening, decided by George Séguy at the time of the 40e congress. Then taking its distances with orthodoxy under Louis Viannet, it was regarded as a protestor preaching the restoration. Maintaining better relations with Bernard Thibault, it approached its trade-union power station. Moreover, it left PCF in August 1991, after the putsch missed against Gorbatchev. Cf, Monnot (Caroline), « A man of apparatus », The World, 5/06/2000, p. 6.

* ³³⁴ «Our idea is that interprofessional dimension must take a greater place : the movement was interprofessional and this trade-union revival was to leave the forms of restoration. The idea is to constitute a form of confederal organization where the great federations or the national trade unions would be found ». Aguiton (Christophe), « The point of inflection of November-December 1995 » in Former Future, n°33-34, 01/1996.In Aguiton (Christophe), Bensaïd (Daniel), the return of the social question, p. 122.

* ³³⁵ Monnot (Caroline), « Left « mouvementist » supports the country Confederation », The World, 23/08/1999, p. 5.

* ³³⁶« Attac interdependent of Jose Bove and the militants of the country Confederation », Lines of Attac, n°8, 09/2000, p.3.

* ³³⁷ Destruction took place at the end of August in the department of Drome, the militants of Attac brought together in Arles for the summer school of association came them « to lend hand-strong ». Serafini (Tonino), « In Drome the GMO are torn off with the shovel », Release, 27/08/2001, p. 1.

* ³³⁸ One can note that the situation of the people interviewed corresponds to the results of the quantitative survey carried out by Thomas Marty. Indeed, among the Toulouse militants of the sample, the trade union represented best is the CFDT (64% of the trade unionists which was surveyed are adherent in CFDT), followed by CGT and South with respectively 21,4% and 14, 3%. Cf Marty (Thomas), op.cit, p. 100.

* ³³⁹ Gallin (daN), « To reinvent the policy of the labor-union movement » in Attac, Against the dictatorship of the markets, the argument-Syllepses-Vo editions, 1999, pp. 103-121.

* ³⁴⁰ It is also the case of Lionel which left F.O « in very good terms » a few months after its adhesion with Attac.

* ³⁴³ Attac Isere thus could gather the sum of 8843 F. cf, Attac Isere, « Estimated result 2000 », « Management report 2000 ».

* ³⁴⁴ Cecile estimates that the UNEF-Id recovered « politically » the section of the campus of S.O.S-Racism.

* ³⁴⁵ We point out, that currently, among the members of the turnover of Attac Isere, only one person (Thomas) took part in the creation of the committee.

* ³⁴⁶ Attac Isere, Position of Attac Isere on the adhesion of the parties and communities. Cf, appendix n°17, p. 35.

* ³⁴⁷ These discussions had at the time of the turnover of June 5 2001d' Attac Isere.

* ³⁴⁸ « The Committee for the Cancellation of the Debt of the Third World is an international network which militates for [...] information, the sensitizing of the broadest possible public on the question of the North-South inequalities (works, review, conference-debates, formations, meetings international, etc) [...] The angle of attack of the C.ADTM is the debt of the Third World, with like objective cancelling the public foreign debt of the Third World and then breaking the infernal spiral of the debt by the establishment of socially right and ecologically durable models of development. To this end, the C.ADTM militates for the constitution of development funds democratically controlled by the local populations and supplied with the cancellation of the public foreign debt of the Third World; the retrocession of the badly acquired goods; tax on the financial transactions (tax of the Tobin type); increase in the Government Aid to the Development with 0,7% of the GDP of the rich countries; establishment of an exceptional world tax on large fortunes; the conversion of the world military expenditure into welfare expenditures and cultural. Lastly, the C.ADTM encourages the emancipation of the women, the radical land reform and the generalized reduction of the working time ». Internet site : http://users.skynet.be/cadtm/.

* ³⁴⁹ Among inquired, Cecile, François and Thomas cumulate political, associative or trade-union affiliations. However, Cecile and François are engaged little in the committee isérois. They are not in addition « new militants ». They do not appear, according to us, representative of the militants isérois.

* ³⁵⁰ Perrineau (Pascal), « For a history of political engagement » in Perrineau (Pascal) to dir., political engagement, Paris, Press of the FNSP, 1994, pp. 13-19.

* ³⁵³ Samuel Barnes defines the political participation as «voluntary activities of citizen as an individual (individual citizens) which aim at influencing, either directly, or indirectly political choices on the various levels of the political system», in Barnes (Samuel), Kasse (max), Political action, farmhouse participation in five western democracies, Beverly Hills, Sage, p. 42. However the definition that Alain Lancelot gives some seems more adequate less bus excluding; according to him the participation widens until touching «the intervention of the citizens in the specialized field of the public affairs», in Lancelot (Alain), the political attitudes, Paris, University Presses of France, 1974, second edition, 1ére edition 1965, p. 6.

* ³⁵⁴ « After the first metaphysical age [of political science] which had put forward the need for the active and engaged citizen, the 2nd positive age discovers the reality of the passive citizen «. Perrineau (Pascal), « For a history of political engagement », op.cit, p. 15.

* ³⁵⁶ We take again here the expression with Martine Barthélémy. Ibid, p.197.

* ³⁵⁷ Cf, Bourdieu (Pierre), « The political representation. Elements for a theory of the political field », Acts of research in social sciences, 36-37, February-March, 1981.

* ³⁵⁸ Philippe Corcuff defines the field as «a sphere of the social life which was gradually autonomisée through the history around social relations, of stakes and own resources, different from those of the other fields [...] Each field is then a field of forces it is marked by an unequal distribution of the resources and thus a report/ratio of forces between dominant and dominated and a field of fights the social agents clash there to preserve or transform this report/ratio of forces ». Corcuff (Philippe), new sociologies, Paris, ED Nathan, 1995, p. 32.

* ³⁶⁰ Bourdieu defines the political field as being « a microcosm, it is a kind of world separated, world with share, closed on him even, mainly, not completely, if not the political life impossible, but would be closed enough on him even and rather independent of what occurs outside ». Bourdieu (Pierre), Matter on the political field, SWEATER, Lyon, 2000, p. 35.

* ³⁶¹ Bourdieu observes that it « report of the unequal capacity of access to the political field is extremely important to avoid naturalizing the inequalities policy ». Ibid. , p. 53

* ³⁶³ Agrikoliansky (Eric), « Militant careers and vocations with morals : militants of the League of the Humans right in the years 1980 », Militant Evolutions, RFSP, flight 51, n°1-2, 02-04/2001, pp. 27-46.

* ³⁶⁴ Bourdieu (Pierre), the practical direction, Paris, ED Midnight, 1980, p. 88. City in Corcuff (Philippe), op.cit., p. 32.

* ³⁶⁵ « The primary differences, those which distinguish the great classes from conditions of existence, find their principle in the total volume of capital, like whole of the resources indeed usable, economic capital, cultural capital, and also authorized capital... ». Bourdieu (Pierre), Distinction. Critical social of the judgment, Paris, ED Midnight, 1979, p. 128.

* ³⁶⁶ Statistics on the composition of the national members were provided to us by the direction of Attac France. On the other hand, no data on the composition of the local committee is available. This is why we will defer the general tendencies resulting from the analysis of the national data to the sample of the local committee. Moreover, we will have recourse to two other distinct sources which seem to us relevant. We will use with profit the data provided by an investigation of monthly magazine the diplomatic World into the sociological profile of its readers. Cf, « Who are the readers of the diplomatic World ? », The diplomatic World, October 1998, pp. 14-15. In addition, the data extracted the investigation of Thomas Marty were also used. Indeed, although the space-time configuration of the quantitative investigation that it carried out is not the same one as ours, it can enable us to corroborate some of our observations. Moreover, the establishment of the committee Attac Toulouse is not basically distinct from the committee isérois. Indeed, the two cities present many similarities. Toulouse and Grenoble are, first of all, two agglomerations of more than 400.000 inhabitants (respectively 608.000 and 400.100), other share, they knew a comparable economic advancement. While Toulouse polarized the essence of the aircraft industry and space French (50% of employment) and developed an important network of medical research, Grenoble knew to combine industry and the research of which it holds the second rank after Paris. Lastly, the two cities hold a university pole are equivalent with the regrouping of three universities for each one of them. Cf Rey (Alain) directed by, the Petit Robert of the Proper names, Paris, ED the Robert, 1996, p. 2259. The data mentioned above are reproduced in two diagrams, p. 157.

* ³⁶⁷ I.e. 6 principal stations. For a description and a general explanation Cf, Desrosières (Alain), Thévenot (Laurent), « Nomenclature of 1982 : socio-professional professions and categories », Socio-professional categories, Paris, the discovery, 1988, pp. 67-88.

* ³⁶⁸ The socio-professional category absent from our sample of is surveyed. That is explained by the fact why inquired all were contacted within the Grenoble group of the committee isérois. Perhaps, it would have been easier to return in liaison with farmers in the groups located in Vienna or Voiron.

* ³⁶⁹ The category of « Workmen » does not appear in the socio-professional composition which was provided to us by the seat of Attac. One can suppose that it represents less than 1% of the whole of the members and that it was not chosen, for this reason, to make it appear. This category on the other hand is represented to 6,5% in the sample of the investigation « Toulouse ».

* ³⁷⁰ This phenomenon can be put in bond with the fact that adhesion is, perhaps, less widespread among the committees « campus » that among the remainder of the members. For example, on Grenoble Cécile acknowledges us that among the dozen people who militate on the campus, several are not adherent. The students would grant, seems T it, more value with the militancy than with formal adhesion with the movement.

* ³⁷¹ One can notice that this division the Cpis category in the presentation of the members is perhaps not pain-killer. All the more, that there remains very contestable. Why have distinguished the category of the enquiring teachers » of that of « Higher intellectual professions », while the nomenclature of INSEE of 1982 does not make this distinction and gathers them under the name of « Scientific professors, professions » (cpis 34). It would seem, above all, that the fact of dividing this category makes it possible to make it less visible.

* ³⁷² « Sociology amply showed : the associative fact belongs rather to a determined social formation, that of « new middle class » which, starting from the end of the Fifties, upsets the numerical relationship between the social groups, at the same time as the concept acquires an official recognition and legitimates scientifically ». Barthelemy (Martine), op.cit, p. 70.

* ³⁷³ « The middle class appears as a central phenomenon of the contemporary capitalist companies although they are presented more in the form of a nebula like a structured unit; they are not polarized by a social group : neither the executives, neither the teachers, neither the office workers, nor a fortiori the independent ones are able to represent this vast configuration alone ». Bosc, « New landscape of the middle class » in social Stratification and transformations. the French company in change, Paris, Nathan, 1993, p. 155.

* ³⁷⁴ Cf, Ansart (Pierre), contemporary sociologies, op.cit, pp. 121-128.

* ³⁷⁵ « The reports/ratios of class are not only related to forces of production, a state of the economic activity and technical division of work; they are the expression in terms of social actors of the historical action itself, of the capacity of the company to act on itself by the investment » Touraine (Alain), Production of the company, Paris, ED Threshold, 1973, p.31. City in Ansart (Pierre), contemporary sociologies, op.cit, p. 123.

* ³⁷⁶ « We live in this moment the passage of a vertical company, which we had taken the practice to call a company of classes with people in top and people in bottom, at a horizontal company where the importance is to know if one is in the center or the periphery ». Ibid, p. 125.

* ³⁷⁷ For example, one can note that in 1993, 40% of the occupied active men belonging to the GCV intermediate Professions had a father who was a workman. Cf, Investigation F.Q.P 1993. The study relates to 6.022.000 men from 40 to 59 years. Cf, Beitone (Alain), Dollo (Christine), Gervasoni (Jacques), Masson (Emmanuel), Rodrigues (Christophe), Sciences social, Paris, ED Dalloz, 1997, p. 349.

* ³⁷⁸ Barthelemy (Martine), « Associative militancy », in Perrineau (Pascal) to dir., political engagement, Paris, Press of the FNSP, 1994, pp. 87-114.

* ³⁷⁹ Chauvel (Louis), the destiny of the generations. Structures social and troops in France at the 20th century, Paris, PUF, 1998, p. 34.

* ³⁸⁰ From 1960à 1980, the progression of the employees passes from 18% to 26% of P.A, while it is stabilized starting from the beginning of the Eighties around 29%. Cf, Chauvel (Louis), op.cit, pp. 39-40.

* ³⁸¹ « The category of the employees is thus registered, more tardily than that of the workmen, in a process with through which its weight within each great sector of paid employment tends to decrease with the profit of less qualified categories ». Chenu (Alain), the archipelago of the employees, Paris, INSEE Studies, 1990, p. 41. City in Marty (Thomas), op.cit, p. 71.

* ³⁸³ One can notice that the threshold of the number of graduates is very weak to the employees. Whereas the intermediate professions count to 41,5% graduates, the employees count only 16,5% of them. Cf Desrosières (Alain), Thévenot (Laurent), op.cit, p. 84.

* ³⁸⁴ Dogan (Mattei), Narbonne (Jacques), Frenchwomen vis-a-vis the policy, Paris, ED A. Colin, 1955, p. 191.

* ³⁸⁵ Chagnollaud (Domenica), political Science, Paris, Dalloz, 1999, p. 161.

* ³⁸⁸ Several bus, coming from the Paris area in particular, were made up essentially of people of the 3rd age. User-friendliness appeared very strong within these groups.

* ³⁸⁹ The statistics produced by the direction of Attac indeed are not refined enough for a detailed explanation. Three age groups are only taken into account : 18-30 years, 30-60 years, more than 60 years. One can legitimately ask for the reasons of this rather vague cutting.

* ³⁹¹ We refer to the definition which gives the historian March Bloch of a generation. « The men who were born in the same social environment, at close dates, necessarily undergo, in particular during their time of formation, the similar influences. The experiment proves that their behavior presents, compared to the groups appreciably older or more young people, of the distinctive features usually strong Nets. That until in their dissensions which can be acuter. To impassion itself for the same debate, was this in opposed direction, it is still to resemble. This community of print, coming from a community of age, is called a generation ». Bloch (Marc), Apology for the history, Paris, ED A.Colin, 1974, p. 150.

* ³⁹² « It is a whole generation of average layers which then acquires a certain vision of the world, a system of standards and values of which it will remain impregnated, in spite of the various evolutions. This new culture will be transmitted more or less consciously to the various generations ». Goff (Jean-Pierre), May 68, the impossible heritage, Paris, ED the discovery, 1998, p. 20.

* ³⁹³ A leaflet of the committee isérois, diffused at the time of the conference of Susan George who took place on Grenoble the 13/11/2000, is entitled « Utopia », one can read there : « Utopia?, it is to dream, think, make that that is carried out. But some dream and apply a world which becomes a nightmare for the immense majority of the world. With us of it réapproprier. Utopia you sow will collect reality ! ». One can also note that several articles of the diplomatic World appeared during the creation of Attac refer explicitly to the topic of the Utopia. Cf, Halimi (Serge), « Our Utopia counters theirs », The diplomatic World, May 1998, p. 14. Igniacio Ramonet, « Need for Utopia », The diplomatic World.

* ³⁹⁴ For example, a slogan like « Another world is possible » seems to us to raise of the same spirit as that of May 68.

* ³⁹⁵ Indeed, the movements claiming political ecology were non-violent groups, founded on user-friendliness and which aimed at an ecological awakening using a teaching work of explanation. The principal spring of the engagement of its groups was the reference to the citizenship. The similarities with Attac are very important as this leaflet testifies some to « Paris ecologist » published in 1978 : « The ecologists are ordinary citizens that their life and their future belong to them. The policy is initially business of citizens ». City in Goff (Jean-Pierre), op.cit, p. 388.

* ³⁹⁶ Among the different ones « political sensitivities », that to which the inquired Toulouse ones refer more is that of political ecology (45,5%). Cf, Marty (Thomas), op.cit, appendices, p. 12.

* ³⁹⁸ Lionel carried out at the time its military service in Lybie. With its return, in 1970, it took part in demonstrations « who were in the line of May 68. It was, adds T it, a little a revenge over May 68 ».

* ³⁹⁹ Freinet (1896-1966) was a French teacher who refused to practice a pedagogy that it regarded as too authoritative. It tried out an educational method « active » founded on the personality of the child and work in group. It created its own school which became an experimental school and which was used as model with several educational reforms. Cf, Rey (Alain) directed by, the Petit Robert of the Proper names, op.cit, p. 783.

* ⁴⁰⁰ Julie : « I came to Attac because one day in Marianne I saw a small paragraph on the agreement of the FRIEND. This article analyzed this agreement and there I said myself : « It is not possible, it is not possible that one lets make a similar trick! » I believe that that be my catch. One month after there was the creation of Attac and I said myself Attac it is what I need [...] I said oneself it is not possible that the governments let do that «.

* ⁴⁰² Methodological individualism, according to Wipper, consists with « to allot the analytical primacy to the social facts, and the theoretical primacy with the individuals as it take initiatives ». Wippler, « Structural-individualistic The approach in dutch sociology : toward social year exploratory science », The Netherlands, Newspaper off sociology, n°14, 1978, pp. 135-155. City in « With what is used methodological individualism ». Chazel (François), Collective action and social movements

* ⁴⁰³ Chazel (François), « With what methodological individualism in sociology is used ? », Collective action and social movements.

* ⁴⁰⁵ For example, several inquired do not have, or quasiement not, recourse to this concept. Cecile and Isabelle do not use it (zero occurrence) and Luc refer to it very little (three occurrences). Others, like Fabien (3), Thomas (3) use it with some recoveries. Lastly, some, Laurent (9), Julie (9) and Bernard (10) refer to it rather frequently. In addition, Lionel criticizes the use which is made term (« I have reserves to as use the word of citizen, it is galvaudé so much as it does not mean any more large-thing »).

* ⁴⁰⁶ This representation which is specific to Attac seems in direct bond with the presentation that association even makes of it. It does not appear to us in direct connection with the adhesion of to be surveyed.

* ⁴⁰⁷ Sophie Duchesne, the paradox of the citizenship, in Pascal Perrineau, political engagement. Decline or change ? , Paris, Press of Sciences Po, 1994, pp. 185-214.

* ⁴⁰⁸ As recalled by Domenica Schnapper, the citizen is, initially it « member of a political community », it is defined by the exercise of its rights and its civic duties and by its participation in the decisions of the State, in the name of the general will. C

* ⁴⁰⁹ « The use of « associative citizenship » or of the active citizenship » by associations returns very directly to the analysis of the associative speech, autonomy, responsibility and creativity of the actors, news practice political and changes « by bottom » ». Barthelemy (Martine), op.cit, p. 215.

* ⁴¹⁰ Becker (Howard), Outsiders. Sociological study of the deviance, Paris, ED Métaillé, 1985.

* ⁴¹¹Guillot (Caroline), militancy with the League of the Humans right : a moral and political company, Grenoble, Memory IEP, Ihl (Olivier) under the responsibility of, 1998-1999.

* ⁴¹³ Gustave Massiah, member of the scientific Council of Attac, held a conference, at the time of the first summer school of Attac, about the cancellation of the debt of the Third World : « The question of the division does not concern only the various actors of the economy within the nation. It applies at least as much on the scale of planet ». Massiah (Gustave), « Adjustment structural with the respect of the human rights », An economy with the service of the man, Paris, ED Thousand and One Nights, 2001, p.248.

* ⁴¹⁴ Engagement within the LCR does not correspond for as much to a humane engagement. However, the international problems occupy in this political party, at least in their speech, a rather important place. This explains why inquired having militated with the LCR referent more regularly with the concerns of order « humanitarian ».

* ⁴¹⁶ The cancellation of the debt of the poor countries is a very recurring topic within the conferences organized by Attac. Besides many committees have a ' think tank ' set of themes which is dedicated to this claim.

* ⁴¹⁷ « In fact, it arises a certain humanism, a certain altruism of the speech of these people; a speech to which it should be noted that it is very close to that of their organizations. Remain to know, and that is difficult, if they adhered to association because those Ci defended of the values to which they were very attached, or if it is the association which, once they returned there, impregnated these values. In fact, it seems that these two aspects are complementary ». Varennes (Stanislas), op.cit, p. 24.

* ⁴¹⁸ Cf, Fillieule (Olivier), Sociology of the protest, Paris, Harmattan, 1993, p. 44.

* ⁴²⁰ Inglehart (Ronald), The silent revolution. Changing Been worth and Political Public Styles among Western, Princeton, Princeton University Presses, 1977.

* ⁴²¹ Cf, Fillieule (Olivier), Péchu (Cecile), p.123-128. And Op.cit., Lafargue (Jerome), pp.49-50.

* ⁴²² Verba. S & Nye. NR. H, Participation in America : Political democracy and Social Equality, New York, To grip and Row, 1972. City in op.cit., Fillieule (Olivier), Péchu (Cecile), p. 125.

* ⁴²³ The world Investigation into the values (World Been worth Surveys, WVS) which uses Inglehart relates to 61 countries distributed out of six continents. Cf, Inglehart (Ronald), « Shock of the ages or cultural modernization of the world ? », The Debate, n°105, 1999, pp. 21-54.

* ⁴²⁴ This assumption is checked besides, partly, by the level of diploma which it is possible to note among the members of Attac. According to the study carried out by Thomas Marty while 11,1% of national P.A are equipped with a diploma higher than Bac+2, this same rate amounts to 73,1 among the people of the sample of the committee Attac Toulouse. Cf, Marty (Thomas), op.cit, p. 87.

* ⁴²⁵ Marx (Karl), 18 Brumaire of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, 1851, ED Social, 1969.

* ⁴²⁸ Gaxie (Daniel), « Economy of the parties and remunerations of the militancy », Re-examined French of Political Sciences, flight 27, n°1, fev 1977, pp. 123-154.

* ⁴³⁰ « Without denying that the ideological mobiles can be in certain cases a political factor of mobilization, one can expect that other incentives come to support them and to reinforce them and that those which devote their time and their energy to a party are remunerated in one way or another ». Ibid, p. 128.

* ⁴³² One can for example quote Francois, Julie or Luc who as a president devote the major part of his time to association.

* ⁴³³ « Engagement represents a determining dimension of the image that they [militants] even perceive them and that they return to others others [thus] the participation, even very indirect, with a political activity constitutes a practice necessary to the regard of oneself » Agrilolansky (Eric), the League of the humans right (1947-1990). Perpetuation and transformation of a company of defense of the civic causes, thesis of political sciences for doctorate, IEP Paris, Favre (Pierre), 1997.

* ⁴³⁴ We suppose that the speech held by Isabelle aimed at justifying the fact that it is not very implied in association.

* ⁴³⁶ One can evoke, for example, the presentation of the Tobin tax which was made by militant, which in addition is a professor of economy, during the full session of the 22/05/2001, or the presentation of the mechanism of the AGCS by a militant during the meeting of the ' think tank ' devoted to « Service public ».

* ⁴³⁷ For example, at the time of the turnover of the 7/04/2001, Luc, the president of Attac Isere, proposed to present the conference made by at the time of the next living room of the naturalness which will take place in Albenc in September 2001. Thomas insisted that it is « one injury » which does it.

* ⁴³⁸ « If human beings meet in economic groupings or family clans, association or confraternity of blood, there it is necessary to see there surely the consequence of needs and special interests. However, across these particular contents, all these socializations are accompanied by the clean feeling and the satisfaction which it gets owing to the fact that one is precisely socialized, have regard to the value of the formation of a company like such ». Simmel (George), Sociology and epistemology, PUF, 1981, p. 124. City in Blondiaux (Loïc), « Political clubs », Politix, 02/1988, p. 42

* ⁴³⁹ For example, Mosci Ostrogorski which analyzed the evolution of the English organizations political during the 19th century, observes that following the widening of the vote, Caucus extended political propaganda to the popular classes by the means of evenings and entertainments intended for « to create an association of feelings between those which are invited to divide them and political parties ». Ostrogorski (Mosci), the political democracy and parties , ED Beech, 1993, 2nd ED, 1912, p. 239.

* ⁴⁴¹ Mehl (Domenica), « Culture and associative action » », Sociology of work, n°1, 01/1982, p. 26.

* ⁴⁴² The discussion with Laurent took place the 2/05/2001, that is to say the shortly after the mobilization to which it refers. In addition, it was about the first action of the committee in which he took part.

* ⁴⁴⁴ « In distancié engagement, it is the singular person who is implied, even raised. The mobilization does not mean renouncement of oneself there, quite to the contrary. But this personal implication is always detailed, and thus supposes constantly its potential suspension. Engagement of oneself goes always then with reversible engagement ». Ibid, p. 83.

* ⁴⁴⁵ The report of the commission « Internal and external formation » of the committee isérois noted among the proposals who were formulated at the time of AG: « To count all competences of the members and to call upon them on precise topics » .Attac Isere, management Report 2001, p. 8.

* ⁴⁴⁶ « The evolution is not rectilinear and there is not substitution of a model for another. The figure of the traditional militant can thus find with the center even new forms [...]It is to say that the broad movement of weakening of us located previously must also be measured with the ell of these strong resurgences [...] It is to also say that one could not read the evolution according to on a single axis, definitively directed. If we are convinced that the prospect member is well taking the step on the Community prospect, one would not know for as much eliminating from the analysis of the contemporary associative fact any dimension of sociability ». Ibid, p. 92.

* ⁴⁴⁷ Although it is delicate to precisely determine the size of this grouping, it would seem that he is composed of a score of individuals. However, it is possible to distinguish within that Ci one second niche in which sociability interns would be marked even. This second grouping would consist of five or six individuals.

* ⁴⁴⁸ Adherent explained us the difficulties which it met to be integrated into the committee isérois.

* ⁴⁴⁹ Chantal Aumeran, Pierre Tartakowsky, management Report, General meeting of Attac Ciotat, October 23, 1999.

* ⁴⁵⁰ Cassen (Bernard), « We all are of learning » in an economy with the service from the man, Paris, Thousand and One Nights, 2001, pp. 9-16

* ⁴⁵¹ The work All on Attac had been sold with 35.000 specimens six months after its launching. The commercial repercussions of the sales are not negligible in spite of the low cost of a work (ten francs, but seventeen francs recently) since the publisher Fayard (very criticized within association because of its affiliation with Lagardere Groupe) offers 10% of royalties to association. Cf, Ferrand (Christine), « The dispute : a market of pocket », Delivers Hebdo, 01/12/2000.

* ⁴⁵² The militants of the local committee for example, during the year 2000, held a stand at the time of the day of the Woman (8/03/2000), of the day of May 1, the festival intercultural of Villeneuve (24/06, Isere), of the fair « Future with the naturalness » of Albenc (2-3/09, Isere), of the world walk of the women (14/10), of the days « Interdependent market and equitable trade » which took place with Vizille (24-25/11, Isere), of the Naturissima living room « Life with the naturalness » (2-5/12).

* ⁴⁵³ During the year 2000, in addition to the already quoted stands, a distribution of leaflets took place on the place Felix Poulat on the AGCS (2/12) and a stand was held on the campus (13/11). Ibid, pp. 4-5. One can note that this lack of investment of the militants in the distribution of leaflets is confirmed by the investigation of Thomas Marty according to whom 12,5% of surveyed would be ready to take part in the distribution of leaflets. Marty (Thomas), op.cit, appendices, p. 11.

* ⁴⁵⁴ Berthelot (Jacques), the dictionary of our time, Paris, Hatchet, 1988, p. 476.

* ⁴⁵⁵A militant of Attac wrote in this direction on Internet : « I also benefit from it to wish that we others in Attac know déprendre of a certain complex of superiorities of « militants of left ». I am explained : we are persuaded so much that we have a message important to deliver with « masses » (the Tobin tax, the critical denunciation of the financiarized economy, etc), that we have sometimes tendency to under considering the state real of conscientisation and education of the civil company in these fields [...] The civil company is not so ignorant and inert that one believes it with regard to the Tobin tax [...] ». Douillard (Luc), « Dear Bernard Cassen », Attac talk, 26/03/2001.

* ⁴⁵⁶ « But, very quickly, it appeared that the members wanted not only that one communicates information to them « leaflet with the book », elaborate in a rigorous way, but they also intended to adapt it in order to better act, which implied a teaching step. One passed from the one-way diffusion of a transmitter towards a receiver characteristic of the press to a diagram more interactive and more reagent, depending, him, formation ». Cassen (Bernard), « An economy with the service of the man », op.cit, p. 13.

* ⁴⁶⁰ One can note that last summer schools of Attac which took place in Arles from the 24 to 28 August 2001ont also gathered 700 people. It is astonishing that in spite of the progression of 10.000 members proclaimed by association, not more militants are not present. Perhaps that would confirm disproportion between the rapid rise of the number of asserted adhesions and the true representativeness of the movement. Cf, Losson (Christian), « Tax Tobin : Attac continues the combat. », Release, 28/08/2000. Belleret (Robert), « The militants of Attac adjust their arguments against liberal universalization », The World, 28/08/2001, p. 5.

* ⁴⁶¹ « That what the currency is ? Its functions. The purse. The speculation. The contemporary influence of finance. Why the Tobin tax ? », « Concerning the unemployment of mass and full employment. », « In connection with the retirements and wage saving. », « In connection with the environment », « In connection with the cancellation of the foreign debt ». In addition, the speakers came for much the scientific council Attac, like Rene Passet, Bruno Jetin, Jacques Nikonoff or Michel Husson, others intervened as founder members of Attac, Philippe Frémeaux, editor of economic Alternatives, Pierre Khalfa or Susan George. Cf, Summer school 2001, p. 2.

* ⁴⁶² « Social workers have to become aware that they are the agents first of solidarity », « Electronics citizen : how to control the machine, of its catch in hand with its use within a militant framework ? ». Ibid, p. 3.

* ⁴⁶³ The sales leaflet which was used comes from a leaflet of the committee Attac Dieppe which was recovered during AG of St Brieuc. It was selected because of its didactic form which facilitates the demonstration. « In connection with the Tobin tax », Mascaret. Bulletin of the committee Attac de Dieppe, n°7, October 2000, p. 3. It appears in following page.

* ⁴⁶⁴ Cf, Tobin : the tax for the weak spirits, the files of the iFrap (French Institute for Research on the Public administrations), n°64, September/October 1999, p. 3. This institute which published a very critical booklet on Attac probably sets up a group of opponents to association.

* ⁴⁶⁵ Cf, the scientific Council of Attac France, « The Tobin tax : how to manage it and to finance what ? », document available on the site : http://attac.org/fra/asso/doc/doc.14.htm, p. 4

* ⁴⁶⁶ These quotations are extracted starting from catches from notes carried out during the meeting.

* ⁴⁶⁸ This observation is based on the base of several meetings and does not relate solely to the debate to which we have just referred to us.

* ⁴⁶⁹ Put aside the works which seem rather little read by the members, the scientific Council publishes « 4 pages » devoted to certain topics of reflection (AGCS, debt, Tobin tax, etc). They are widely diffused within the committee.

* ⁴⁷⁰ The documents distributed by the militants during diffusions of leaflets are generally those which come from the national direction of Attac.

* ⁴⁷¹ « They more than 700, were aligned in the long market with the wood of the old shipyards of Ciotat, from all France, to initiate itself with this economy which, for the majority of them, remained a mysterious discipline. During four days, from the 23 to August 26, 2000, they were going to stoically support eight hours of teaching daily newspapers including six hours of lectures and two working hours in groups, with an intense thirst to learn and include/understand. One would have needed much more to discourage them that the teaching bombardment to which they were subjected. Because this first summer school contrary with what is generally done - was completely devoted to teaching, not with the small sentences of the big bosses ». Passet (Rene), « a thirst to include/understand » in Attac, an economy with the service of the man, op.cit, pp. 17-20.

* ⁴⁷² One can also note that at certain meetings the presence of an expert, who is not always materially feasible, is replaced by the diffusion of documentary (the committee Attac Lyon, for example, in assembled a video on OMC) since the committee isérois has a video library. Cf, Attac Isere, management Report 2001, p. 2.

* ⁴⁷³ Cf, Caillois (Roger), the crowned man and, Paris, Reed Gallimard, 1988, 1st ED 1950, p. 247.

* ⁴⁷⁴ Cf, Cabin (Philippe), « In the slides of the domination », Social sciences, n°105, May 2000, pp. 24-28.

* ⁴⁷⁵ « The capital symbolic system is an unspecified property, forces physical, richness, warlike value, which perceived by social agents equipped with the categories of perception and appreciation making it possible to perceive it, know it and recognize it, symbolically become efficient, a such true magic force : a property which, because it answers collective waitings, socially constituted, with beliefs, exerts a kind of remote action, without physical contact ». Bourdieu (Pierre), Raison practice, Paris, ED Threshold, 1994, p. 245.

* ⁴⁷⁶ « One of the effects of violence symbolic system is the transfiguration of the relations of domination and tender in emotional relations, the transformation of the capacity into charisma or charm suitable to cause an emotional enchantment ». Ibid, p. 187.

* ⁴⁷⁷ The relevance of the metaphor of the domination remains however limited owing to the fact that it L does not act with the direction that Weber gives some, i.e. it « chance for specific orders, to find obedience on behalf of a given group individuals ». Weber (max), Economy and company, 1920, volume 1, Paris, Plon, Reed 1971, p. 219.

* ⁴⁷⁸ Among three legitimate types of domination (rational, traditional and charismatic), max weber specifies that the charismatic domination rests « on the extraordinary tender with the crowned character, with the heroic virtue or the exemplary value of a person, or of natures revealed or emitted by this one (charismatic domination) ». Ibid, p. 220.

* ⁴⁷⁹ At the time of AG 2000, the conclusions of the commission « Internal and external formation » proposals formulated besides taking account of this limit. Indeed, it was to propose of « to organize and support the exchanges between « experts » economists and members », but it was also proposed of « to consider a self-tuition of the members who wish it by the constitution of working groups per topic of reflection : exchange interrogations and comprehensions, work starting from documents of Attac but also of other sources, call to « experts » according to the interrogations and of a work worked out between us to consolidate the assets and them réapproprier with our words » .Attac Isere, « Moral report/ratio 2000 », op.cit, p. 8.

* ⁴⁸⁰ Ion (Jacques), « Associative engagement and public space » in Movements, n°3, 04/1999, p. 67.

* ⁴⁸² Charles Tilly A highlighted that gradually the local mobilizations founded on Community solidarity (1650-1850) yielded the place to national and autonomous mobilizations (1850-1980). Erik Neveu supposes that the advent of the international mobilizations appeared during the Nineties with the movements anti-universalization could constitute one 3rd generation of repertory of action. Cf, Tilly (Charles), France disputes. From 1600 to our days, Paris, Beech, 1986, pp. 544-545. Cf, Nephew (Erik), op.cit, p. 60.

* ⁴⁸³⁴⁸⁴ Concept of « repertory of collective action » establishes « the assumption of a choice deliberated at those which assert, between modes of action well defined, the possibilities of choice and the choices themselves changing primarily according to the preceding chois. In one average meaning, the idea of repertory presents a model where the accumulated experience actors intersects with the strategies D (authority, while returning a whole of means of action more practical, gravitational, and more frequent than much of other means which could, in theory, of serving the same interests ». Tilly (Charles), « Origins of the contemporary collective action in France and Great Britain », Xxe century, Review of History, n°4, 1984, p. 99

* ⁴⁸⁶ « It is the moment that a few tens of militants of Attac choose to spring in bathing suits of the Walk of the English on the Beaurivage beach. « We are not afraid to wet us to defend the social rights ! » protest these revolted while throwing itself in fresh water, red flags and signs of Attac to the hand. A true cloud of teleobjectives and cameras are opportunely on the beach for immortaliser the scene. Never considering, except when the largest stars assemble the steps of the Palate of the festivals, in Cannes ». FK, Express train, art.cit, p. 94.

* ⁴⁸⁸ Weil (Nicolas), «Attac unloads in Jersey to denounce the tax havens », the World, 9/06/2001.

* ⁴⁸⁹ Among the activities to which the militants attach the most importance, it « participation in the evening festive » seems the first answer provided by surveyed with 54,7%. Cf, Marty (Thomas), op.cit, appendices, p. 11.

* ⁴⁹⁰ « If this legitimacy by the number would not be suddenly to disappear, it is not any more alpha and the omega » summarizing by a figure the power of the grouping [...] It should be been appropriate that a transformation is in progress through which the idea of mass like expression of the power, characteristic of the of the same groupings name, does not have more the obviousness which it could have ». Ion (Jacques), op.cit, p. 73.

* ⁴⁹⁴ The national direction also plans to rent the room of the pale of the congresses. This type of gathering of great width consolidates our assumption.

* ⁴⁹⁵ « The action forces [...] is usually isolated analyzes of the participation, either that one regards it as another nature, or that the indicators used do not allow its taking into account. However, violence constitutes according to us a recourse, virtual, present at potential state daN S the collective action [...] The measurement of the share held by the violent action in the modes of participation must be in the center of the interrogation on the nature of the behavior protester ». in « The demonstration like political indicator of change », p. 114-139.

* ⁴⁹⁷ The black block is not strictly speaking an organization but a mode of confrontation and protest. The autonomous groups indicated by this term appeared in 1992 at the time of violences directed towards the World Bank. Cf, Losson (Christian), « Anti-universalization in the tactics of the confrontation. Movements anarchists radicalize the dispute », Release, 18/06/2001, p. 3.

* ⁴⁹⁸ A perimeter of safety had been delimited within the town of Genoa. A fitted latticework on wall made from there the access impossible to the demonstrators. Dubois (Nathalie), « During G8, Genoa crossed of the world. Italy envisaged many safety measures to frame the top of July 20 », Release, 18/06/2001, p. 4.

* ⁴⁹⁹ « This behavior [of violence] is triple to reject. Initially, it constitutes a violation of the practices of democratic dialog of coordinations which are set up at the time of the large gatherings against the néo-liberal policies of the international and European institutions. Then, by the priority attention that the media grant to him, it makes it possible to overlook the stakes and the width of these mobilizations. Lastly, and more serious still, it opportunely provides arguments to all those [...] who, anxious rightly of the popular rejection that their policies cause, believe to find a parade there by trying criminaliser the dispute of a deeply unjust social order ». Attac France, « Declaration of the Office of Attac France : after the incidents of Gothenburg », 19/06/2001. Document available on the http://www.attac.org/tra/asso/doc/doc.62.htm site.

* ⁵⁰⁰ « It is the law of the decreasing outputs. If the actions force repeat themselves too much, our work will suffer from it [...] For some idiots ingérables, one passes for primary anticapitalists, anti-Europeans violent one. These violences of anarchists or breakers its more antidemocratic than the institutions than they fight oneself saying ». Cf, Losson (Christian), op.cit, p. 3.

* ⁵⁰¹Cf, Losson (Christian), « Christophe Aguiton, one of the persons in charge for Attac : « One must include/understand the impatience and frustrations of the militants », Release, 18/06/2001, p. 4.

* ⁵⁰² « Christophe Aguiton, secretary-general of Attac and carry AC word ! , a biography filled well has : militant LCR for 28 years (during the years 1970, it responsible has been known even service of order ( !) league); expelled of CFDT in 1988, it melts Southern. Impassioned military strategy, it is a hard truth ». Cf, Lecaussin (Nicolas), « Tax Tobin : the tax for the weak spirits », op.cit, p. 9.

* ⁵⁰³ A militant of Attac published on an Internet a message in which it showed the LCR of infiltration : « In light [...] the LCR would have a service of a clandestine nature, which car-is instituted to frame the members of Attac and to lead them in critical situations, not discussed collectively and beforehand. It better is included/understood « comprehension » benevolent of Aguiton [...] for violences in Gothenburg. These violences belong to the official spectacle. They are envisaged inevitable, even premeditated and wished, by the apparatus trotskist, without the knowledge of the militants of Attac ». Douillard (Luc), « Attac toy of the LCR ? », message diffused on Attac-talk, 24/06/2001.

* ⁵⁰⁴ « On the other hand, for a few years, the confrontations have become a kind of ritual, apparently inevitable, according to a scenario which one would describe in advance. Each time, the forces about the cities where will be held the great appointment transforms the crossing points and of work of the official participants in a zone of high safety, under the control of thousands of anti-riot police officers, and, practicing a kind of preventive higher bid, take drastic measures of prohibition of access to the perimeters thus protected, even at the cities themselves, as it was the case in Quebec, and in a way even more caricatural, recently in Genoa ». Petrella (Ricardo), « Criminaliser the dispute », The diplomatic World, August 2001, p. 6.

* ⁵⁰⁵ This position is that besides several members of Attac which support violence. For example a militant declared on Internet : « I think that violences make to us more visible of general public, and push people more and more to be informed near organizations like Attac. Moreover [...] if there are violences one tend us the microphone to deplore it, and if there is not us are not tightened the microphone [...] Why not do not ask Black Blocs (and others) to assert all their actions force [...] That will allow to make the share of the things clearly, on a side what is ascribable with demonstrators (of which one will continue to deplore the methods) and what is not it [...] And that will avoid unhappy amalgams... ». Goareguer (Pascal), « Götebog continuation, and a little policy », Attac talk, 06/07/2001.

* ⁵⁰⁶ One can note, moreover, that the militants of the committee frequently turn to Thomas to solve the practical problems which are encountered daily (the constitution of a unit leaflet, the organization of displacements for a against-top).

* ⁵⁰⁷ Photographs being used as visual aids are located in appendices. We will refer to it regularly.

* ⁵¹² This remark does not rest on a personal impression but it is based on discussions with militants later with the events.

* ⁵¹³ It would seem according to remarks' of Luc that people announced that the service of order of Attac organized folds of the militants. This proved to be false.

* ⁵¹⁴ Not having been able to attend the summer school 2001, these remarks were reported to us by militants of the committee isérois.

* ⁵¹⁵ The militants of the committee isérois had already made contact previously with the community of the Arch which proposes formations with the techniques of non-violence.

* ⁵¹⁶ The demonstration which took place on July 21 is finished by the release of movements of panic. The Attac procession was then disseminated. The group of the militants isérois was also divided. Disputes took place between anarchistic groups and the police officers in the medium of which were taken certain pacifist demonstrators. The militants isérois did not know how to react; they then tried to turn over to their camping. Their mode of peaceful protest was in shift with violences which took place.

* ⁵¹⁷ « Within the framework of a qualitative research, the proof of the validity of the results is difficult to provide in an immediate way : it is not the test of validation which is judged, but the reliability of the models drawn from the observation. The social models require many confrontations with very diverse authorities [...] But there are instruments [...] the main thing is the model saturation. The latter are disengaged gradually from the observation. To the beginning, they very fuzzy and are unceasingly called into question by new observations. Then they become more Nets and are stabilized, the facts confirming the broad outline, and clarifying the points of details; until the moment when it is possible to consider that there is saturation : the last data collected do not learn anything any more or almost. This stage the researcher tested to him even the validity of the results ». Kaufmann (Jean-Claude), understanding maintenance, Paris, ED Nathan, 1996, p. 29.

* ⁵¹⁸ We point out here the revival of engagement such as it is described by Jacques Ion and Martine Barthélémy. Cf, Ion (Jacques), end of the militants ?, op.cit. Bathélémy (Martine), Associations : a new age of the participation, op.cit

* ⁵²² Mayer (Nonna), « Changes of the militancy » in Men and freedoms, n°97, 1998, p. 88.

* ⁵²³ « The distancié model supposes as for him untied individuals their memberships, developing private means, being mobilized punctually on objectives limited for one determined duration, privileging the direct action and the even restricted immediate effectiveness ». Ion (Jacques), op.cit, p. 100.

* ⁵²⁴ It is a question here exclusively « new » militant (in question to question the innovation) for which Attac represent an alarm clock of the participation. One can in addition note that among inquired, those which cumulate several adhesions and that we described as being professional militants, do not correspond either to the model described by Jacques Ion. Indeed, in spite of their various adhesions, surveyed remain inserted in the same ideological network. The remark that made Jacques Ion in connection with the old styles of organizations seems to apply to them : « Of course, the associative pluri-membership was already often the rule in fact but it occurred inside the conglomerates, the detention of several charts not making whereas to translate the various ways of expressing an socio-ideological membership, the intensity of the investment in such or such satellite grouping often reflecting a kind of division of the labor militant according to the socio-professional trajectories or the sex ». Ibid, p. 49.

* ⁵²⁵ « The organization is the source from which is born the domination from the elected officials on the voters, of the agents on the constituents, of delegated on those which delegate them. Who says organization says oligarchy ». Michels (Roberto), political parties, Paris, Flammarion, 1971.

* ⁵²⁶ Duverger (Maurice), political parties, Paris, A. Collin, 1957, 1ère ED. 1951, pp. 84-85.

* ⁵²⁷ Bourdieu (Pierre), « The political representation. Elements for a theory of the political field », art.cit, p. 6.