B- Instability and forced migration in the neighbouring
countries
As previously said, in the Central African sub-region,
Cameroon is surrounded by countries which are facing political and military
troubles. Particularly, refugees in Cameroon who benefit of international
assistance especially food aid come from Central African Republic (CAR) and
Chad.
1- Central African Republic (CAR)
The political situation in CAR has been unstable since its
independence from France in 1960, marked by five coups d'état and many
more failed attempts. The most recent coup occurred in March 2013 when Michel
Djotodia seized power from Francois Bozizé. In the recent past,
Patassé had won multiparty presidential elections in 1993. His
presidency, however, was marked by a series of military coup attempts prompting
the involvement of a small UN force. In 1999, Patassé was reelected but
failed to unite the various armed groups and political factions, opening the
path for a new wave of violence. In 2001, former President
Kolingba48 tried to seize power, prompting Patassé to seek
assistance from Jean-Pierre Bemba, leader of the Ugandan-backed rebel group,
the «Mouvement de Liberation du Congo» (MLC). The MLC had
been active in neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo, occupying most of
the northern part of the country bordering CAR. Ultimately, the coup failed. In
the aftermath, Patassé accused his chief of staff Bozizé of
disloyalty. Bozizé then fled to Chad but returned a year later to oust
Patassé. Bozizé's troops quickly reached the capital Bangui
resulting in heavy fighting. In order to contain the invading forces,
Patassé again requested help from Jean-Pierre Bemba. Bemba's
Banyamulenge troops pushed the rebel back to the north, but in the process
committed mass atrocities against civilians. Ultimately, however, Bozizé
was successful and seized power in 2003. Bozizé held power in a
transitional
48 Kolingba was president of CAR between 1981 and 1993. He seized
power from Dacko through a coup and lost it to Patassé in the 1993
presidential elections.
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government and was then elected president through general
elections in 2005 in a contentious political process.
Soon after the 2005 elections, violence broke out again in the
northwest of the country, causing the displacement of more than 100,000
civilians.49 Among the armed groups involved, the Popular Army for
the Restoration of the Republic and Democracy (APRD) was the most prominent,
with members of Patassé's former presidential guard and local
self-defense groups seeking security for their communities. CAR's presidential
guard responded by carrying out a dirty war against the rebels, which have
resulted in attacks on the civilian population, burning thousands of civilian
homes, and summary executions.
In 2006, violence in the northeast of the country broke out as
a second rebellion was led by another former associate of Patassé,
Damane Zakaria, now chief of The Union of Democratic Forces for Unity's (UFDR).
The UFDR seized several towns, as the government of CAR accused Sudan of being
behind these attacks. The violence made hundreds of civilian deaths and led to
widespread house burning, looting, summary executions and the widespread use of
child soldiers. After years of continuous fighting, the country saw signs of
progress toward ending the conflict in June 2008 when UFDR and APRD signed a
peace agreement with the government to disarm and demobilize their soldiers.
Parliament approved amnesty legislation later that year, which covers violence
from 15 March 2003.
But in 2012, another crisis erupted, precisely the 10th of
December 2012, between the Government of the CAR and Seleka, a coalition of
rebel groups, many of whom were previously involved in the Central African
Republic Bush War. The rebels accused the government of president
François Bozizé of failing
49 Peter Bouckaert, Olivier Bercault and Human Rights Watch,
(2007) State of Anarchy: Rebellion and Abuses Against Civilians, New
York, Human Rights Watch. UN OCHA Central African Republic Fact Sheet,
June 2007.
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to abide by peace agreements signed in 2007 and 2011. Rebel
forces known as Seleka (Séléka means "union" in the
Sango language) captured many major towns in the central and eastern regions of
the country. Seleka comprises two major groups based in north-eastern CAR: the
Union of Democratic Forces for Unity (UFDR) and the Convention of Patriots for
Justice and Peace (CPJP), but also includes the lesser known Patriotic
Convention for Saving the Country (CPSK). Two other groups, the FDPC as well as
the Chadian group FPR, both of which are based in northern CAR, also announced
their allegiance to the Seleka coalition.
According to the Human Rights Watch, hundreds of civilians
were killed, more than 10,000 houses burned, and approximately 212,000 persons
fled their homes to live in desperate conditions deep in the bush in northern
parts of the Central African Republic. Additionally, rebel groups say that
Bozizé has not followed the terms of the 2007 agreement, and that there
continue to be political abuses, especially in the northern part of the
country, such as "torture and illegal executions». On 15
December, rebel forces took Bamingui, a town approximately 120 km (75 mi) from
N'Délé in a direct line towards Bangui. Three days later they
advanced to Bria, an important diamond mining town lying 200 km South-East of
Ouadda. The Seleka claim they are fighting because of a lack of progress after
a peace deal ended the 2004-2007 Central African Republic Bush War. Following
an appeal for help from Central African President François
Bozizé, the President of Chad, Idriss Déby, pledged to send 2,000
troops to help quell the rebellion. The first Chadian troops arrived on 18
December 2012 to reinforce the CAR contingent in Kaga Bandoro, in preparation
for a counter-attack on N'Délé.
On 26 December 2012, hundreds of protesters angered by the
rebel advance surrounded the French embassy in Bangui, hurling stones, burning
tires and tearing down the French flag. The demonstrators accused the former
colonial power of failing to help the army fight off rebel forces. At least
50
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people, including women and children, were sheltering inside
the building, protected by a large contingent of around 250 French troops that
surrounded the area.
On 11 January 2013, a ceasefire agreement was signed in
Libreville, Gabon. On 23 January 2013, the ceasefire was broken, with the
government blaming Seleka and Seleka blaming the government for allegedly
failing to honor the terms of the power-sharing agreement. On 25 March 2013
Séléka leader Michel Djotodia, who served after the January
agreement as First Deputy Prime Minister for National Defense, declared himself
President. Djotodia said that there would be a three-year transitional period.
He promptly suspended the constitution and dissolved the government, as well as
the National Assembly. Following Michel Djotodia's resignation on 10 January
2014, Alexandre-Ferdinand Nguendet served as acting president until the
National Transition Council (CNT) elected Catherine Samba-Panza as interim
president with the aim to lead the country to the 2015 elections.
This politico-military crisis had not only led to massive
displacement to neighboring countries, mainly Cameroon. Even UN personnel
stationed in Bangui had to be evacuated to Cameroon for their safety. So, the
crisis in CAR was managed in one way or another from Yaoundé.
2- Chad
Chad has been marked by permanent conflict since its
independence from French colonial power in 1960. A whole host of authoritarian
regimes have followed one another, with power changes usually coming about
through military coups. Each regime is characterized by a concentration of
power in the person of the president and a small, usually ethnically homogenous
leadership clique which seeks to defend its privileges by any and all means.
Composed of
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approximately 200 ethnic groups, Chad's diverse population is
broadly divided into predominantly Muslim Arab and non-Arab ethnic groups
located in the north and east, and indigenous groups practicing Christian and
various traditional beliefs located in the south. The result: not only does the
country lack any nationally oriented social and economic policy - it is also
ruled by a repressive state apparatus which crushes any form of opposition.
Resistance initially coalesced at the regional level and was primarily aimed at
fending off government decisions which were perceived as negatively impacting
on local living conditions; with the protests escalating into open civil war at
the beginning of the1980s.
As a result, leadership and presidency in Chad drifted back
and forth between the Christian southerners and Muslim northerners. When one
side was in power, the other side usually started a revolutionary war to
counter it. In 1998 an armed rebellion began in the north, led by President
Déby's former defense chief, Youssouf Togoimi. In 2003, conflict in the
neighboring Darfur region in Sudan leaked across the border into Chad. Refugees
from Sudan were joined by Chadian civilians who were trying to escape rebel
violence and eventually filled the camps. It was clear that Chad's rebels
received weapons and assistance from the government of Sudan. At the same time,
Sudan's rebels got help from Chad's government.
Some opponents of President Déby have used his
perceived lack of democratic legitimacy to foment armed efforts to oust the
long-serving Chadian leader. Déby has faced several coup attempts, and
diverse armed political and regional factions have been active since the 1990s.
Shifting rebel alliances, which include defectors from the government, gained
strength in the east in 2005-2006 and launched a series of raids on strategic
government positions. Intercommunal violence not directly related to the
rebellion also increased. Rebels
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attacked the capital, N'Djamena, in April 2006, and
Déby declared a state of emergency in November of that year. Critics
charge that he used the state of emergency, which prohibited public rallies and
campaigning and allowed the government to censor the press, to silence
opposition.
In early February 2008, rebel forces advanced on the capital
in an unsuccessful attempt to force Déby from power. Hundreds of
civilians were reportedly killed in the fighting, and an estimated 30,000
Chadians fled across the Cameroon border, 10 miles from N'Djamena. Rebel groups
later attacked and briefly held several towns in eastern Chad in June 2008.
Chad's main armed groups, who have been divided by ethnic and personal
rivalries, agreed in November 2008 to unify their efforts to overthrow
Déby.50
Cameroon is a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its
1967 Protocol, as well as the 1969 OAU51 Convention. At the national
level, the Government adopted the Law Defining the Legal Framework for Refugee
Protection in July 2005. A decree to bring the 2005 law into application was
signed in November 2011, and this was followed by the creation of the
Eligibility and Appeals Commissions in July 2012. So, Cameroon hosts some
104,000 refugees and asylum-seekers, mainly from the Central African Republic
and Chad.
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50 Lauren Ploch, (2010) «Instability and Humanitarian
Conditions in Chad», Congressional Research Servive, Washington DC.
51 Organisation of African Unity, the ancestor of the actual
African Union.
International humanitarian food aid in the North-South
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Type of population
|
|
Origin
|
|
Total in country assisted by UNHCR
|
|
|
|
|
Refugees
|
|
CAR
|
|
96. 250
|
|
|
|
|
|
Chad
|
|
1.480
|
|
|
|
|
|
Nigeria
|
|
3.410
|
|
|
|
|
|
Various
|
|
2.030
|
Asylum-seekers
Total
Guinea
Various
430
780
106.170
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Table 14: Figures of refugees and asylum-seekers in
Cameroon in 2013. Source: UNHCR Cameroon Country Office
II- Food aid actors in Cameroon
As it has been said previously, IFA in Cameroon is provided
bilaterally and multilaterally. But the multilateral part is predominant at 98%
and managed by the WFP. The rest of 2% is provided by «friendly»
countries like The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia or Morocco which, spontaneously,
help Cameroon in case of disasters, such as floods or drought. Then, we focus
this part on the main actors of the IFA in Cameroon, i.e. WFP Country Office
and the governmental organism in charge of working in collaboration with the UN
agency: the FAO/WFP Assistance Management Committee.
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|