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Black Lives Matter: l'intersectionnalité, une méthodologie analytique


par Judy Judy Meri
Université Côte d'Azur  - Master 1 Information et communication 2021
  

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1.3 Partie I, Chapitre III

Note 32: Nelson: » The term White Washing can be defined as a racist practice of removing visible minorities in popular media by making their skin appear lighter, or even replacing them altogether with white actors. Black Erasure can be described as the tendency to ignore, remove, and falsify Black bodies and Black voices in academia, news, media, and other outlets. As someone who has always identified as Black, as a young girl, I wondered why I did not look like the little white girls on the TV or in books. When I grew a little older, I began to resent that I did not look like the light skinned, blond haired models in all of the magazines and popular TV shows. Rarely, did I ever see any minorities in the media that I was exposed to. White Washing in the media has impacted me negatively.»

Note. 33: Dyer « Race is something only applied to non-white peoples, as long as white people are not racially seen and named, they/we function as human norm. Other people are raced, we are just people. There is no more powerful position than that of being `just' human. The claim to power is the claim to speak for the commonality of humanity. Raced people can't do that - they can only speak for their race. But non-raced people can, for they do not represent the interests of a race.» « We (whites) will speak of, say, the blackness of Chineseness of friends, neighbours, colleagues, customers or clients, and it may be in the most genuinely friendly and accepting manner, but we don't mention the whiteness of the white people we know.» « The assumption that white people are just people, which is not far off saying that whites are people whereas other colours are something else, is endemic to white culture.» Research- into books, museums, the press, advertising, films, television, software - repeatedly shows that in Western representation whites are overwhelmingly and disproportionately predominant, have the

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central and elaborated roles, and above all are placed the norm, the ordinary, the standard. Whites are everywhere in representation. Yet precisely because of this and their placing as norm they seem not to be represented to themselves as whites but as people who are variously gendered, classed, sexualised and abled. At the level of racial representation, in other words, whites are not of a certain race, they're just the human race.»

Note 34: Nelson: « Black women are typically sassy and opinionated (Blaque). Their characters are either hyper sexualized or overweight and meant to be unattractive. Black men are typically abusive and loud. Black male characters usually revolved around being a `thug' or some other negative lifestyle. It is important to note, many Black characters are created to be one-dimensional. The same is not true of white characters. White characters have been heroes, villains, brave, weak, shy, dangerous, outlandish, etc. There is no one way to describe the roles white actors have played, and yet there are clear circumstances where Black actors have been demoted into playing stereotypical roles.» « Black Erasure and White Washing in popular media negatively impacts children in the Black community and aids in the robbery of their childhood. It is hard to think about the magnitude of the effect that colorism and the complete erasure of Black bodies has had on children in the Black community. Without regularly seeing positive reflections of themselves in the media it becomes hard for some Black children to value their self-image.»

Note 35: Reitman Meredith « the white workplace is created and maintained through a process of whitewashing in which everyday practices seek to deny racial politics, superimpose white culture and normalize that culture in place. This characterization directly challenges the notion of the high-tech workplace as morally above problems of race. What distinguishes white places from those associated with oppressed racial groups is that they are constructed through a denial of identity rather than its explicit portrayal. It is this denial that makes these places so important to reveal.»

Note: 37 Yochim: Scholarship focusing on the treatment of blacks in media has relied quite heavily on this definition of racial symbolic annihilation, although the concept is not always explicitly referenced. To illustrate, Pescosolido, Grauerholz, and Milkie (1997) describe blacks as being ignored, stereotyped, or demeaned by media; their criticism echoes Gerbner's and Tuchman's original definitions which include « absence» as well as « condemnation» and « trivialization.» Hooks (1992) argues that African American women have experienced condemnation as they are often relegated to controlling, sexually wanton representations (see also Hill Collins, 2000). Brown (2001) discusses the absence of heroic blackness in comic books. He argues that readers must identify across racial boundaries since the visible racial

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minorities in most comic books were nameless criminals that white heroes defeated. Whylie (1999) uses the term « colorstruction» to reveal how skin color differences within blackness are exploited in media to associate a higher value to those that possess physical traits closer to those of whites. Whylie posits that the characters in the 1991 film New Jack City, created by a black filmmaker, present « a rather obvious color line that separates the more negative dark-complexioned characters [...] from the lighter black ones» (p. 189). For Whylie, introducing such intraracial warfare is not just about exploiting black as evil in our imaginations. Rather, Whylie offers that blackness, even in media products such as New Jack City, is trivialized and rendered moot, replaced by white supremacy and cultural domination.

Note:38: Dyer: The latter become what distinguish white people, giving them a special relation race. Black people can be reduced (in white culture) to their bodies and thus to race, but white people are something else that is realised in and yet is not reducible to the corporeal, or racial. Note 39:McIntosh: I have come to see white privilege as an invisible package of unearned assets that I can count on cashing in each day, but about which I was « meant» to remain oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, assurances, tools, maps, guides, codebooks, passports, visas, clothes, compass, emergency gear, and blank checks.

After I realized, through faculty development work in Women's Studies, the extent to which men work from a base of unacknowledged privilege, I understood that much of their oppressiveness was unconscious. Then I remembered the frequent charges from women of color that white women whom they encounter are oppressive.

At school, we were not taught about slavery in any depth; we were not taught to see slaveholders as damaged people. Slaves were seen as the only group at risk of being dehumanized. My schooling followed the pattern which Elizabeth Minnich has point our: whites are taught to think of their lives as morally neutral, normative, and average, and also ideal, so that when we work to benefit others, this seen as work that will allow « them» to be more like « us.» I think many of us know how obnoxious this attitude can be in men.

1. can, if I wish, arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the time.

2. If I should need to move, I can be pretty sure of renting or purchasing housing in an area which I can afford and in which I would want to live.

3. I can be reasonably sure that my neighbors in such a location will be neutral or pleasant to me.

4. I can go shopping alone most of the time, fairly well assured that I will not be followed or harassed by store detectives.

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5. I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of my race widely and positively represented.

7. I can go into a book shop and count on finding the writing of my race, represented, into a supermarket and find the staple foods that fit with my cultural traditions, into a hairdresser's shop and find someone who can deal with my hair.

8. Whether I use checks, credit cards, or cash, I can count on my skin color not to work against the appearance that I am financially reliable.

9. I did not have to educate our children to be aware of systemic racism for their own daily physical protection.

10. I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group.

11. I can criticize our government and talk about how much I fear its policies and behavior without being seen as a cultural outsider.

In this potpourri of examples, some privileges make me feel at home in the world. Others allow me to escape penalties or dangers that others suffer. Through some, I escape fear, anxiety, insult, injury, or a sense of not being welcome, not being real. Some keep me from having to hide, to be in disguise, to feel sick or crazy, to negotiate each transaction from the position of being an outsider or, within my group, a person who is suspected of having too close links with a dominant culture. Most keep me from having to be angry.

Note: 40:Plaut,Romano « Whites tend to endorse color blindness more than do people of color (Neville, Lilly, Duran, Lee, & Browne, 2000; Ryan, Hunt, Weible, Peterson, & Casas, 2007). What is its appeal? Color blindness has ego-protective features. Adopting color blindness lets members of groups associated with perpetrating racism (e.g., Whites) maintain an egalitarian self-image, because it allows them to believe they are nonprejudiced and are self-presenting as such. Indeed, Whites' use of color blindness in interracial interaction correlates with exter- nal motivation to control prejudice (Apfelbaum, Sommers, & Norton, 2008). It can also represent a vision for an equitable society, where race does not impact life outcomes (Knowles, Lowery, Hogan, & Chow, 2009), and when framed as commonality regardless of back- grounds, it can relate to warmth (Hahn, Banchefsky, Park, & Judd, 2015; Wolsko et al., 2000). However, color blindness can also justify current inequality. When threat- ened, White Americans high in social dominance orienta- tion (i.e., preference for group-based hierarchy) use color blindness to defend the status quo (Knowles et al., 2009). Color-blind racial attitudes also resonate with low- status group members high in social dominance orienta- tion (Neville, Coleman, Falconer, & Holmes, 2005).

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Note 41: Pailey: The `white gaze' is a phrase that gained prominence in the works of black American public intellectuals and literary legends -- including Toni Morrison, Ralph Ellison and James Baldwin -- who have fiercely resisted one dimensional, racist tropes about blacks in America. A Pulitzer and Nobel Prize winning author of 11 novels, Morrison once quipped in Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination, `I am a black writer struggling with and through a language [English] that can powerfully evoke and enforce hidden signs of racial superiority, cultural hegemony, and dismissive « othering» of people' (1992: x-xi). While Palestinian scholar Edward Said (1978) evoked the `white gaze' of development as the `seeing eye' of Orientalism, French existential philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre (1964) described it as `the privilege of seeing without being seen'. Whereas First Nations and indigenous studies scholar Glen Coulthard (2004: 14-15) termed it a `colonial frame', American sociologist Joe R. Feagin (2013: ix,3) called it an `overarching worldview' and `white racial frame' that rationalizes and justifies white privilege and domination. Continuing on this trajectory, Mbembe (2017: 28) called the `white gaze' of development a `Western consciousness of blackness' which makes whiteness the epitome of normalcy. Echoing Stuart Hall (1992), Malawian historian Paul Tiyambe Zeleza (2009: 131, 133) reduced it to a `colonizing epistemological order' which seeks to `universalize the West and provincialize the rest'. And last, but certainly not least, Kenyan literary scholar Grace A. Musila (2017: 703-04) recently summarized the `white gaze' as a `single-lens knowledge register', a `blindspot' and a `fantasy of the monopoly of the gaze' which assumes that `the Other is both subject to this gaze and incapable of returning the gaze'.

Note 42: Yancy: « Black bodies in America continue to be reduced to their surfaces and to stereotypes that are constricting and false, that often force those black bodies to move through social spaces in ways that put white people at ease. We fear that our black bodies incite an accusation. We move in ways that help us to survive the procrustean gazes of white people. We dread that those who see us might feel the irrational fear to stand their ground rather than « finding common ground,» a reference that was made by Bernice King as she spoke about the legacy of her father at the steps of the Lincoln Memorial.» « The white gaze is also hegemonic, historically grounded in material relations of white power: it was deemed disrespectful for a black person to violate the white gaze by looking directly into the eyes of someone white. The white gaze is also ethically solipsistic: within it only whites have the capacity of making valid moral judgments.»

Note 43: Greco: What our research found is that white gaze requires Black women to monitor how they look, emote, talk, and behave if they want to fit in and lead at work,» McCluney said.

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« Black women must expend considerable resources - time, money and energy - to accommodate whiteness. The paper indicates that whiteness is imposed at work, primarily through the adoption of Eurocentric standards as the basis for organization-wide norms and expectations. There are two keys to this imposition - white display rules and white beauty standards. One common enactment of white display rules found in the tweets was the scrutiny of Black women's facial expressions. White display rules also affected how Black women negotiate the Angry Black Woman trope, which is imposed to control Black women's bodies through tone-policing and labeling their general demeanor as « angry.» Whiteness is also enforced through the exploitation of Black women and their work. Exploitation manifests as invisibility, or situations where their presence and/or ideas are ignored and overlooked. Other exploitative practices upheld the Strong Black Woman stereotype, whereby people viewed Black women as strong and invincible, and as having a limitless capacity to support or save others.

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"Il existe une chose plus puissante que toutes les armées du monde, c'est une idée dont l'heure est venue"   Victor Hugo