WOW !! MUCH LOVE ! SO WORLD PEACE !
Fond bitcoin pour l'amélioration du site: 1memzGeKS7CB3ECNkzSn2qHwxU6NZoJ8o
  Dogecoin (tips/pourboires): DCLoo9Dd4qECqpMLurdgGnaoqbftj16Nvp


Home | Publier un mémoire | Une page au hasard

 > 

Black Lives Matter: l'intersectionnalité, une méthodologie analytique


par Judy Judy Meri
Université Côte d'Azur  - Master 1 Information et communication 2021
  

précédent sommaire suivant

Bitcoin is a swarm of cyber hornets serving the goddess of wisdom, feeding on the fire of truth, exponentially growing ever smarter, faster, and stronger behind a wall of encrypted energy

2.1 Partie II, Chapitre I

Note 44: Cheng: « Dehumanizing and deadly consequences spawn from these myths of black bruteness. Multiple recent studies have shown the tendencies of white research subjects to overestimate the size, speed, and age of black people. Such « formidability bias,» scientists argue, can expectedly « [promote] participants' justifications of hy- pothetical use of force against Black suspects of crime» (Wilson, Rule, and Hugenberg 2017, 59). Take the tragedy of twelve-year-old Tamir Rice, who, while playing with an Airsoft toy gun in a Cleveland park on November 22, 2014, was shot and killed by police officer Timothy Loehmann.5 In his signed statement to investigators, Loehmann declared that Rice « appeared to be over 18 years old and about 185 pounds» (Loehmann 2015), He wasn't that little kid . . . you're seeing in pictures. He's a twelve-year-old in an adult body» (Stahl 2016)» Formidability myths go beyond overestimations of how resilient black bodies look (exteriorities). These myths concurrently enable un- derestimations of black bodies' capacity to feel (interiorities). In a 2014 study, researchers found that white children, beginning as early as age seven, believe their black peers to possess reduced susceptibility to physical pain. Much injustice has historically sprung from white denials of black nociception. « Pain bias,» sometimes called the « racial empathy gap,» is complicit in the societal normalization of black trauma (Wade 2013; Silverstein 2013; Forgiarini, Gallucci, and Maravita 2011).10 Physicians today prescribe lower and fewer doses of pain medication to black patients, including black children (Hoberman

160

2012; Hoffman, Trawalter, Axt, and Oliver 2016; Graham 2014). Police use more severe physical force on dark- skinned bodies (Buehler 2017). Therapists, through buy-in of the Strong Black Woman trope, disproportionately trivialize black women's requests for mental healthcare (West, Donovan, and Daniel 2016). Or we could look back to the era of US chattel slavery, during which white doctors forced black women to undergo childbirth without anesthetic chloroform, even when infants had to be delivered « with the aid of the blunt hook» (Schwartz 2006, 167).11 Slaveholders' assumptions that black women were generally « strong enough to endure any pain» further warranted their subjection to every other abuse, including rape (Wyatt 2008, 60; see also Staples 1970).»

Note 46: Richardson: For as long as Black women have organized publicly, there has been a cultural code of decorum for all who dare to enter the public sphere. Brittany Cooper explains in her 2017 book, Beyond Respectability, that calls for refinement date as far back as the 1890s, during the era of post-Reconstruction. Black Baptist women endeavored to create counter-discourses of Blackness through « adherence to temperance, cleanliness of person and property, thrift, polite manners, and sexual purity.» In terms of visual communication, the politics of respectability dictated that Black women leaders of social movements adopt a « culture of dissemblance» (Hine, 1989, p. 912) or « self-imposed secrecy and invisibility» (Higginbotham, 1993, p. 194). Modest clothing that erased the Black woman's body (and sexuality) was encouraged. Black women within the church were discouraged from making loud, individual displays of protest. Public, corporate prayer was a preferred form of civil disobedience (Higginbotham, 1993, p. 224).for post Reconstruction era Black women to define themselves and reclaim their bodies. It is true that the Black church served as an enclave where African American women could plan their public addresses with great care and col- laboration. The silencing of Black women's voices led to the articulation of a discrete, Black feminist movement that flourished alongside the Black Power Movement of the 1970s.» « Black feminism, or womanism, may have remained a scholarly abstraction were it not for the rise of social media in the 2000s. In 1994, Kimberlé Crenshaw (1994/2005, p. 282) coined the term « intersectionality» to describe further « how the experiences of women of color are frequently the product of intersecting patterns of racism and sexism, and how these experiences tend not to be represented within the discourses of either feminism or anti-racism.» Still, no sustained social movements led by Black women dominated the American political landscape during the 1980s or 1990s. The Internet rebooted visible, collective womanism in two phases.» « In the Web 1.0 paradigm, Black feminists experimented with their digital voices. Blogs such as Gina McCauley's What About Our Daughters (Rapp, Button, Fleury- Steiner, & Fleury-Steiner,

161

2010), K. Tempest Bradford's The Angry Black Woman (Curtis, 2015), and Brittney Cooper's Crunk Feminist Collective (Boylorn, 2013) quickly became required reading material for Black women in the early 2000s. In this fashion, the affordances of Web 1.0 rewarded individual, standout digital personalities with coveted access to traditional media, but did not yet offer a path to collective leveraging of the Internet for social movement formation. The Web 2.0, read/write version of the Internet shifted this focus--from singular womanist bloggers--to a plurality of connected Black feminists online. Shortly after Twitter's launch in 2006, African Americans began to visit the social media platform more than any other ethnic group. By 2014, more than 26% of African Americans were convening on Twitter at any given time of day, while only 16% of Whites were doing so (Smith, 2014). So-called « Black Twitter» (as it was dubbed by blogger Choire Sicha in 2009) comprised African American voices from all over the world. Initial academic explorations into Black Twitter found that African Americans were engaging in lively games of the « dozens» (Florini, 2014) or live-Tweeting hit television shows such as Shonda Rhimes's Scandal (Everett, 2015) or How to Get Away with Murder (Williams & Gonlin, 2017). The digital frivolity gave way to fury, however, after the Trayvon Martin murder trial in 2013. When George Zimmerman, who is half-White, was acquitted of killing the unarmed, Black teenager in Sanford, Florida, Alicia Garza took to Facebook to write a love letter to Black people. Her friend, Patrisse Cullors, reposted it to Twitter with a hashtag: #BlackLivesMatter (Garza, 2016). Neither of the women said that they ever expected the Tweet to become a global movement. In many ways though, this moment may have been inevitable, since the socially conservative politics of respectability silenced many groups of willing Black women activists for decades.

précédent sommaire suivant






Bitcoin is a swarm of cyber hornets serving the goddess of wisdom, feeding on the fire of truth, exponentially growing ever smarter, faster, and stronger behind a wall of encrypted energy








"Nous voulons explorer la bonté contrée énorme où tout se tait"   Appolinaire