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Black Lives Matter: l'intersectionnalité, une méthodologie analytique


par Judy Judy Meri
Université Côte d'Azur  - Master 1 Information et communication 2021
  

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2.2 Partie II, Chapitre II

Note47: Smith: Black legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the term « intersectionality» in her insightful 1989 essay, « Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics.» The concept of intersectionality is not an abstract notion but a description of the way multiple oppressions are experienced. Indeed, Crenshaw uses the following analogy, referring to a traffic intersection, or crossroad, to concretize the concept: Consider an analogy to traffic in an intersection, coming and going in all four directions. Discrimination, like traffic through an intersection, may flow in one direction, and it may flow in another. If an accident happens in an intersection, it can be caused by cars traveling from any number of directions and,

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sometimes, from all of them. Similarly, if a Black woman is harmed because she is in an intersection, her injury could result from sex discrimination or race discrimination. . . . But it is not always easy to reconstruct an accident: Sometimes the skid marks and the injuries simply indicate that they occurred simultaneously, frustrating efforts to determine which driver caused the harm. Crenshaw argues that Black women are discriminated against in ways that often do not fit neatly within the legal categories of either « racism» or « sexism»--but as a combination of both racism and sexism. Yet the legal system has generally defined sexism as based upon an unspoken reference to the injustices confronted by all (including white) women, while defining racism to refer to those faced by all (including male) Blacks and other people of color. This framework frequently renders Black women legally « invisible» and without legal recourse. Since the times of slavery, Black women have eloquently described the multiple oppressions of race, class, and gender--referring to this concept as « interlocking oppressions,» « simultaneous oppressions,» « double jeopardy,» « triple jeopardy» or any number of descriptive terms. Like most other Black feminists, Crenshaw emphasizes the importance of Sojourner Truth's famous « Ain't I a Woman?» speech delivered to the 1851 Women's Convention in Akron, Ohio: That man over there says that women need to be helped into carriages and lifted over ditches, and to have the best place everywhere. Nobody ever helps me into carriages, or over mud-puddles, or gives me any best place! And ain't I a woman? Look at me! Look at my arm! I could have ploughed and planted, and gathered into barns, and no man could head me! And ain't I a woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man-- when I could get it--and bear the lash as well! And ain't I a woman? I have borne thirteen children, and seen them most all sold off to slavery, and when I cried out with my mother's grief, none but Jesus heard me! And ain't I a woman? Crenshaw draws a parallel between Truth's experience with the white suffrage movement and Black women's experience with modern feminism, arguing, « When feminist theory and politics that claim to reflect women's experiences and women's aspirations do not include or speak to Black women, Black women must ask, « Ain't we women?» Crenshaw's political aims reach further than addressing flaws in the legal system. She argues that Black women are frequently absent from analyses of either gender oppression or racism, since the former focuses primarily on the experiences of white women and the latter on Black men. She seeks to challenge both feminist and antiracist theory and practice that neglect to « accurately reflect the interaction of race and gender,» arguing that « because the intersectional experience is greater than the sum of racism and sexism, any analysis that does not take intersectionality into account cannot sufficiently address the particular manner in which Black women are subordinated.» Crenshaw argues that a key aspect

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of intersectionality lies in its recognition that multiple oppressions are not each suffered separately but rather as a single, synthesized experience. This has enormous significance at the very practical level of movement building. While all women are oppressed as women, no movement can claim to speak for all women unless it speaks for women who also face the consequences of racism--which place women of color disproportionately in the ranks of the working class and the poor. Race and class therefore must be central to the project of women's liberation if it is to be meaningful to those women who are most oppressed by the system. The widely accepted narrative of the modern feminist movement is that it initially involved white women beginning in the late 1960s and early 1970s, who were later joined by women of color following in their footsteps. But this narrative is factually incorrect. Decades before the rise of the modern women's liberation movement, Black women were organizing against their systematic rape at the hands of white racist men. Women civil rights activists, including Rosa Parks, were part of a vocal grassroots movement to defend Black women subject to racist sexual assaults--in an intersection of oppression unique to Black women historically in the United States.

Note 48: Garza: When you design an event / campaign / et cetera based on the work of queer Black women, don't invite them to participate in shaping it, but ask them to provide materials and ideas for next steps for said event, that is racism in practice. It's also hetero-patriarchal. Straight men, unintentionally or intentionally, have taken the work of queer Black women and erased our contributions. Perhaps if we were the charismatic Black men many are rallying around these days, it would have been a different story, but being Black queer women in this society (and apparently within these movements) tends to equal invisibility and non- relevancy. Black Lives Matter is a unique contribution that goes beyond extrajudicial killings of Black people by police and vigilantes. It goes beyond the narrow nationalism that can be prevalent within some Black communities, which merely call on Black people to love Black, live Black and buy Black, keeping straight cis Black men in the front of the movement while our sisters, queer and trans and disabled folk take up roles in the background or not at all. Black Lives Matter affirms the lives of Black queer and trans folks, disabled folks, Black-undocumented folks, folks with records, women and all Black lives along the gender spectrum. It centers those that have been marginalized within Black liberation movements. It is a tactic to (re)build the Black liberation movement. When we say Black Lives Matter, we are talking about the ways in which Black people are deprived of our basic human rights and dignity. It is an acknowledgement Black poverty and genocide is state violence. It is an acknowledgment that 1 million Black people are locked in cages in this country-one half of all people in prisons or

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jails-is an act of state violence. It is an acknowledgment that Black women continue to bear the burden of a relentless assault on our children and our families and that assault is an act of state violence. Black queer and trans folks bearing a unique burden in a hetero-patriarchal society that disposes of us like garbage and simultaneously fetishizes us and profits off of us is state violence; the fact that 500,000 Black people in the US are undocumented immigrants and relegated to the shadows is state violence;.the fact that Black girls are used as negotiating chips during times of conflict and war is state violence; Black folks living with disabilities and different abilities bear the burden of state-sponsored Darwinian experiments that attempt to squeeze us into boxes of normality defined by White supremacy is state violence. And the fact is that the lives of Black people--not ALL people--exist within these conditions is consequence of state violence.» In 2014, hetero-patriarchy and anti-Black racism within our movement is real and felt. It's killing us and it's killing our potential to build power for transformative social change. When you adopt the work of queer women of color, don't name or recognize it, and promote it as if it has no history of its own such actions are problematic. When I use Assata's powerful demand in my organizing work, I always begin by sharing where it comes from, sharing about Assata's significance to the Black Liberation Movement, what it's political purpose and message is, and why it's important in our context.»

Note 49:Esposito: « Police in the United States kill far more people than do police in other advanced industrial democracies (13). While a sub- stantial body of evidence shows that people of color, especially African Americans, are at greater risk for experiencing crim- inal justice contact and police-involved harm than are whites (14-19), we lack basic estimates of the prevalence of police- involved deaths, largely due to the absence of definitive official data. Among all groups, black men and boys face the highest life- time risk of being killed by police. Our models predict that about 1 in 1,000 black men and boys will be killed by police over the life course (96 [77, 120] per 100,000). Women's lifetime risk of being killed by police is about 20 times lower than men's risk. Among women and girls, black women's and American Indian/Alaska Native women's risk is highest; we expect between 2.4 and 5.4 black women and girls to be killed by police over the life course per 100,000 at current rates.

Between the ages of 25 y and 29 y, black men are killed by police at a rate between 2.8 and 4.1 per 100,000. Women's risk of being killed by police use of force is about an order of magnitude lower than men's risk at all ages, as shown in Fig. 4. Between the ages of 25 y and 29 y, we estimate a median mortality risk of 0.12 per 100,000 for black women. Our analysis shows that the risk of being killed by police is jointly patterned by one's race, gender, and age. Police violence is a leading cause of death for young men, and young men of color face an

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exceptionally high risk of being killed by police. Inequalities in risk are pronounced throughout the life course. This study reinforces calls to treat police violence as a public health issue (1, 4).Rates of death have increased by as much as 50% since 2008. Also note that while black people remain dispropor- tionately more likely than white people to be killed by police, the share of white deaths has been increasing in recent years, The meaning of race, age, and gender for police vio- lence emerges in the interactions between how officers perceive an individual's identity and the salience of these classifications for perceptions of criminality, belonging, and dangerousness (1, 10, 25, 39). Future work should closely consider how place, race, gender, age, social class, and disability intersectionality structure exposure to violence (26).»

Note 50:Jackson: Black rebellion and protest, though, have historically never been coupled with allegiance to American democracy. Today, peaceful demonstrations and violent riots alike have erupted across the country in response to police brutality and the killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery. Yet the language used to refer to protesters has included looters, thugs, and even claims that they are un-American. The philosophy of force and violence to obtain freedom has long been employed by white people and explicitly denied to black Americans. The numerous slave rebellions led by Gabriel Prosser, Charles Deslondes, and Nat Turner were all attempts to gain freedom with force. Throughout the 20th century, black Americans armed themselves in the face of white mobs and organized protection for their freedom marches. Accordingly, when George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and so many others were killed by police, black people and their allies chose to rise up. Americans like to harken back to the civil-rights era as a moment of nonviolence and civil disobedience. But that movement was an orchestrated response to violence. Violence at the voting booth. Violence at the lunch counter. Violence that bombed a church with four little black girls inside. Violence that left a bloated black boy in an open casket. Violence that left a black husband and father murdered in his driveway. The movement ended with the violent death of Martin Luther King Jr. And his death ignited riots in more than 100 cities.

Note 51: Buchanan: Four recent polls -- including one released this week by Civis Analytics, a data science firm that works with businesses and Democratic campaigns -- suggest that about 15 million to 26 million people in the United States have participated in demonstrations over the death of George Floyd and others in recent weeks. Black Lives Matter has been around since 2013, but there's been a big shift in public opinion about the movement as well as broader support for recent protests. A deluge of public support from organizations like the N.F.L. and NASCAR for Black Lives Matter may have also encouraged supporters who typically would sit on the sidelines to get involved. The protests may also be benefitting from a country that is

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more conditioned to protesting. The adversarial stance that the Trump administration has taken on issues like guns, climate change and immigration has led to more protests than under any other presidency since the Cold War. According to a poll from The Washington Post and the Kaiser Family Foundation, one in five Americans said that they had participated in a protest since the start of the Trump administration, and 19 percent said they were new to protesting. More than 40 percent of counties in the United States -- at least 1,360 -- have had a protest. Unlike with past Black Lives Matter protests, nearly 95 percent of counties that had a protest recently are majority white, and nearly three-quarters of the counties are more than 75 percent white. According to the Civis Analytics poll, the movement appears to have attracted protesters who are younger and wealthier. The age group with the largest share of protesters was people under 35 and the income group with the largest share of protesters was those earning more than $150,000. Half of those who said they protested said that this was their first time getting involved with a form of activism or demonstration. A majority said that they watched a video of police violence toward protesters or the Black community within the last year. And of those people, half said that it made them more supportive of the Black Lives Matter movement.The protests are colliding with another watershed moment: the country's most devastating pandemic in modern history. « With being home and not being able to do as much, that might be amplifying something that is already sort of critical, something that's already a powerful catalyst, and that is the video,» said Daniel Q. Gillion, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania who has written several books on protests and politics. « If you aren't moved by the George Floyd video, you have nothing in you,» he said. « And that catalyst can now be amplified by the fact that individuals probably have more time to engage in protest activity.

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