UN RENOUVEAU DE LA PARTICIPATION ASSOCIATIVE ? L'engagement et le militantisme au sein du comité Attac Isère

2. New militants ?

The analysis and the comprehension of the militancy of Attacants require, initially, to explain logics of them; it is necessary for that to be located in an understanding step. Political engagement is a complex process of which us drudges of Then, in the second time, it will be possible to examine the effective practices of action to which the militants isérois testify.

2.1 The comprehension of engagement

The comprehension of political engagement is not regarded as being immediate. However, one a long time represented the political participation like an attitude self-explanatory. How to explain such a change of perception ? First of all, it is necessary to recall, like does it Pascal Perrineau, that the representations are not neutral, it is the same for that for political engagement^350(*). This is why it is important to recall the great historical stages of them. Within political science, « end of 18th in the middle of 20th, it is a normative design of the political engagement which [was] dominant »^351(*). Thus, as Domenica Memmi notes it^352(*), the political idea of participation^353(*) was before a a whole normative representation, i.e. which dictated with each member political community a «civic duty» which seemed a «obligation to take part». It was then about one « categorical imperative » democratic to which was to conform each individual. This representation put, in right, each citizen on the same equal footing and presupposed that political competence is shared by all. Using the generalization of the statistical surveys, it appeared in the Fifties that the voluntary citizen rented by political science the image of an individual replaced « liability »^354(*). One second decisive evolution take place : the empirical studies highlighted that the activities considered as policies are practiced by a minority of individuals and that certain individuals practice several activities. Martine Barthélémy notes thus that « the office plurality of the memberships and the concentration of the responsibilities or the militant activities to the hands of a minority of citizens are an illustration of the gap between reality and the standard, the possible one and the desirable one »^355(*). The élitistes theses tend to legitimate the political exclusion of the greatest number. On the other hand, it « ideology of the participation »^356(*) was put at evil by other authors such as Pierre Bourdieu. The problems of the democratic illusion, that it developed, contribute to renew the comprehension of engagement^357(*). It rests on the paradigm of the domination. The participation in a specific field of activity^358(*) (economic, journalistic, political, sporting, etc) presuppose the detention of a whole of social and technical competences. However, the uneven structure of the distribution of the resources in our companies implies it « dispossession » of the majority of the individuals and it « concentration of the properly political means of production to the hands of the professionals »^359(*). Dominated then does not have other choice only it « handing-over of oneself » with the professionals who ensure the representation of it. The militancy would be only one level intermediate in this distorted representation. Thus, that which acts as constituent is useful before all his own interests. The political field would be one « microcosm » whose actors are quasi-invariants^360(*). Political engagement would thus constitute, according to Bourdieu, an illusion.

The great merit of contemporary sociology is to have demystified an engage logic idéel which regarded the political participation as something of naturalness^361(*). The disassembling of the reports/ratios of force which animate the field causes to make cease distorts it transparency which makes appear natural the division of the social labor^362(*). What within Attac happenhappens ? With which social logics the engagement of the militants answers ? It is here about dénaturaliser engagement citizen by analyzing his logics.

2.1.1 The figure of the militants

The approach which was developed by Bourdieu considers the positioning of the individuals within the social structures. This step is based on the assumption following: «Political engagement constitutes the demonstration of beliefs, representations, standards acquired by socialization, which reflect the position and the trajectory of the individuals in social space and/or their membership of social groups »^363(*). Bourdieu characterizes social space by a double determination : the field and habitus. The habitus is the way in which the social structures are interiorized by the social actor. Bourdieu defines it as one « system of provisions durable and transposable »^364(*).

In order to be able to define it « habitus » in which the militants of Attac evolve/move, it is necessary to know the total volume of the distinctive social resources held by each agent and its distribution between the various shapes of capital^365(*). However, this not being the principal object of our research we will limit ourselves to the variable for which we have the highest number of information: the socio-professional category (GCV). It acts, in a comparative approach, to connect the resources held by the militants at the national level with the group of surveyed but also with other sets of reference^366(*).

2.1.1.1 A strong socio-professional categorization

In order to be able to carry out a sufficiently fertile analysis, it seems preferable to consider the GCV at the aggregate level which is and to consider for that only the six principal categories^367(*). This method enabled us to detect certain absences but also the on-representation of certain categories.

First of all, it is observed that at the national level, five categories or are not represented little. Three categories of credits miss. « Farmers » 1,4% of the members and 0,5% of the readers of the diplomatic World represent. This weak representation is confirmed, in addition, in the investigation « Toulouse » since no farmer appears in the sample^368(*). This observation must be relativized. The farmers accounted for only 2,7% of the working population (P.A) national in 1998. In addition, their place in the working population of the agglomerations of more than 200.000 inhabitants was even more restricted since they account for 0,14% in 1999.

On the other hand, the absence of « Craftsmen, tradesmen and heads of undertaking » seems more relevant. They account for 3,9% of the national members and 3% of the readers of the diplomatic World. They miss also sample of the investigation « Toulouse ». They under-are relatively represented compared to national P.A (6,5%). One can explain this underrepresentation, in a a little diagrammatic way, by supposing that the registers of militancy to which Attac refers are too distinct from this category.

Lastly, the third active category absent from the composition of association is that of « Workmen ». While they account for 27,4% of national P.A, they do not appear among the members of Attac^369(*). Besides they account for only 3% of the readers of the diplomatic World. One can suppose that this extremely important differential is related to the cultural level required by the reading of monthly magazine. As had observed we, some inquired admit testing much difficulties of including/understanding the articles which are published there. This high level cultural is perhaps, we make the assumption of it, which accounts for the weak place of « Workmen » within association. This explanation concerns the sociology of the domination symbolic system of Bourdieu.

Two other categories, which are not entered in the working population, under-are represented. It acts, first of all, of « Students and high-school pupils » (6,3% of the national members). This report is also checked in the survey carried out by Thomas Marty where « Students and high-school pupils » 6% of the sample represent. This underrepresentation is however surprising. It seems to go contrary to the initial representation of association. Attac appears, within the media and of the official publications, like a vector of revival of the engagement of young people. Committees appeared besides within the universities as it is the case in Grenoble^370(*). In order to check this observation, it seems necessary to pay our attention to the age brackets of the members. Lastly, the category of the unemployeds under-is also represented since it occupies 5,7% of the whole of adhesions.

Among the members of association, two GCV on-are largely represented. « Frameworks, higher intellectual professions » (cpis), first of all, appear as being the category most present (49,7%). One can distinguish there, like does it the national managerial staff of Attac, the executive staff and liberal professions (16,8%), the teachers and the researchers (15,7%), the higher intellectual professions (9,1%) and the artists (7,3%)^371(*). This observation also corresponds to the investigation « Toulouse » (58,7%). Among inquired, two people belong to this category. Francois, who is a piano teacher, is attached to « Professions of the information of arts and the spectacles », while Fabien, which carries on the activity of professor of university, is affiliated with « Scientific professors, professions » (cpis 34). In addition, Luc, before being with the retirement, also belonged to the cpis category since it profited from the statute of engineer. This value is all the more notable as the cpis category accounts for 12,3% of national P.A.

In addition, the category of « Intermediate professions », on-is also represented. 29,7% of the members are attached to this GCV. One also finds this importance in the sample of the investigation « Toulouse » (34,8%). Four people interviewed are attached to this category : Lionel (psychologist in an association) and Cecile (welfare officer) belong to « Intermediate professions of health and social work » (pi 43). Laurent who is a teacher is affiliated with « Teachers and comparable » (pi 42).

What one cannot miss seeing, it is that addition of the two preceding categories with that of « Employees » (represented to 15,26% within the whole of the members) form what one calls them « middle class ». This representation appears like one of the principal problems of sociology. It would constitute an explanatory paradigm making it possible to account for political engagement since the end of the Fifties^372(*). The term of « middle class » illustrates the attempt to incorporate under the same unit a whole of distinct actors^373(*). In spite of the polemic which exists on the validity of this concept, the sum of these three socio-professional categories represents a sufficiently important data (94,66% on the level of the national members, 65% of the sample of the investigation « Toulouse », two thirds of surveyed) so that one cannot occult it. What represents this on-representation of the middle class within Attac ?

* ³⁵⁰ Perrineau (Pascal), «  For a history of political engagement  » in Perrineau (Pascal) to dir., political engagement, Paris, Press of the FNSP, 1994, pp. 13-19.

* ³⁵¹ Ibid, p. 15.

* ³⁵² Cf, Domenica Memmi, «  Political engagement  », op.cit, p. 310.

* ³⁵³ Samuel Barnes defines the political participation as «voluntary activities of citizen as an individual (individual citizens) which aim at influencing, either directly, or indirectly political choices on the various levels of the political system», in Barnes (Samuel), Kasse (max), Political action, farmhouse participation in five western democracies, Beverly Hills, Sage, p. 42. However the definition that Alain Lancelot gives some seems more adequate less bus excluding; according to him the participation widens until touching «the intervention of the citizens in the specialized field of the public affairs», in Lancelot (Alain), the political attitudes, Paris, University Presses of France, 1974, second edition, 1ére edition 1965, p. 6.

* ³⁵⁴ «  After the first metaphysical age [of political science] which had put forward the need for the active and engaged citizen, the 2nd positive age discovers the reality of the passive citizen «. Perrineau (Pascal), «  For a history of political engagement  », op.cit, p. 15.

* ³⁵⁵ Barthelemy (Martine), op.cit, p. 196.

* ³⁵⁶ We take again here the expression with Martine Barthélémy. Ibid, p.197.

* ³⁵⁷ Cf, Bourdieu (Pierre), «  The political representation. Elements for a theory of the political field  », Acts of research in social sciences, 36-37, February-March, 1981.

* ³⁵⁸ Philippe Corcuff defines the field as «a sphere of the social life which was gradually autonomisée through the history around social relations, of stakes and own resources, different from those of the other fields [...] Each field is then a field of forces it is marked by an unequal distribution of the resources and thus a report/ratio of forces between dominant and dominated and a field of fights the social agents clash there to preserve or transform this report/ratio of forces  ». Corcuff (Philippe), new sociologies, Paris, ED Nathan, 1995, p. 32.

* ³⁵⁹ Bourdieu (Pierre), op.cit, p. 5.

* ³⁶⁰ Bourdieu defines the political field as being «  a microcosm, it is a kind of world separated, world with share, closed on him even, mainly, not completely, if not the political life impossible, but would be closed enough on him even and rather independent of what occurs outside  ». Bourdieu (Pierre), Matter on the political field, SWEATER, Lyon, 2000, p. 35.

* ³⁶¹ Bourdieu observes that it «  report of the unequal capacity of access to the political field is extremely important to avoid naturalizing the inequalities policy  ». Ibid. , p. 53

* ³⁶² Corcuff (Philippe), op.cit, p. 36.

* ³⁶³ Agrikoliansky (Eric), «  Militant careers and vocations with morals  : militants of the League of the Humans right in the years 1980  », Militant Evolutions, RFSP, flight 51, n°1-2, 02-04/2001, pp. 27-46.

* ³⁶⁴ Bourdieu (Pierre), the practical direction, Paris, ED Midnight, 1980, p. 88. City in Corcuff (Philippe), op.cit., p. 32.

* ³⁶⁵ «  The primary differences, those which distinguish the great classes from conditions of existence, find their principle in the total volume of capital, like whole of the resources indeed usable, economic capital, cultural capital, and also authorized capital...  ». Bourdieu (Pierre), Distinction. Critical social of the judgment, Paris, ED Midnight, 1979, p. 128.

* ³⁶⁶ Statistics on the composition of the national members were provided to us by the direction of Attac France. On the other hand, no data on the composition of the local committee is available. This is why we will defer the general tendencies resulting from the analysis of the national data to the sample of the local committee. Moreover, we will have recourse to two other distinct sources which seem to us relevant. We will use with profit the data provided by an investigation of monthly magazine the diplomatic World into the sociological profile of its readers. Cf, «  Who are the readers of the diplomatic World  ?  », The diplomatic World, October 1998, pp. 14-15. In addition, the data extracted the investigation of Thomas Marty were also used. Indeed, although the space-time configuration of the quantitative investigation that it carried out is not the same one as ours, it can enable us to corroborate some of our observations. Moreover, the establishment of the committee Attac Toulouse is not basically distinct from the committee isérois. Indeed, the two cities present many similarities. Toulouse and Grenoble are, first of all, two agglomerations of more than 400.000 inhabitants (respectively 608.000 and 400.100), other share, they knew a comparable economic advancement. While Toulouse polarized the essence of the aircraft industry and space French (50% of employment) and developed an important network of medical research, Grenoble knew to combine industry and the research of which it holds the second rank after Paris. Lastly, the two cities hold a university pole are equivalent with the regrouping of three universities for each one of them. Cf Rey (Alain) directed by, the Petit Robert of the Proper names, Paris, ED the Robert, 1996, p. 2259. The data mentioned above are reproduced in two diagrams, p. 157.

* ³⁶⁷ I.e. 6 principal stations. For a description and a general explanation  Cf, Desrosières (Alain), Thévenot (Laurent), «  Nomenclature of 1982  : socio-professional professions and categories  », Socio-professional categories, Paris, the discovery, 1988, pp. 67-88.

* ³⁶⁸ The socio-professional category absent from our sample of is surveyed. That is explained by the fact why inquired all were contacted within the Grenoble group of the committee isérois. Perhaps, it would have been easier to return in liaison with farmers in the groups located in Vienna or Voiron.

* ³⁶⁹ The category of «  Workmen  » does not appear in the socio-professional composition which was provided to us by the seat of Attac. One can suppose that it represents less than 1% of the whole of the members and that it was not chosen, for this reason, to make it appear. This category on the other hand is represented to 6,5% in the sample of the investigation «  Toulouse  ».

* ³⁷⁰ This phenomenon can be put in bond with the fact that adhesion is, perhaps, less widespread among the committees «  campus  » that among the remainder of the members. For example, on Grenoble Cécile acknowledges us that among the dozen people who militate on the campus, several are not adherent. The students would grant, seems T it, more value with the militancy than with formal adhesion with the movement.

* ³⁷¹ One can notice that this division the Cpis category in the presentation of the members is perhaps not pain-killer. All the more, that there remains very contestable. Why have distinguished the category of the enquiring teachers  » of that of «  Higher intellectual professions  », while the nomenclature of INSEE of 1982 does not make this distinction and gathers them under the name of «  Scientific professors, professions  » (cpis 34). It would seem, above all, that the fact of dividing this category makes it possible to make it less visible.

* ³⁷² «  Sociology amply showed  : the associative fact belongs rather to a determined social formation, that of «  new middle class  » which, starting from the end of the Fifties, upsets the numerical relationship between the social groups, at the same time as the concept acquires an official recognition and legitimates scientifically  ». Barthelemy (Martine), op.cit, p. 70.

* ³⁷³ «  The middle class appears as a central phenomenon of the contemporary capitalist companies although they are presented more in the form of a nebula like a structured unit; they are not polarized by a social group  : neither the executives, neither the teachers, neither the office workers, nor a fortiori the independent ones are able to represent this vast configuration alone  ». Bosc, «  New landscape of the middle class  » in social Stratification and transformations. the French company in change, Paris, Nathan, 1993, p. 155.